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QENCALOOY collection 




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in 2013 

Major-General JOHN STARK 


Historic Association 


VOLUME IV -.908-1910 




























The Snow-Shoe Men Nellie M. Browne 1 

The Snow-Shoe Scouts George Waldo Browne 5 

The Indian Wars in New Hampshire . Frank P. Sanborn 23 

The McClary Family John C. French 35 

Amoskeag's Old Fishing Rocks .... George E. Burnham 60 

Early Days of 'Squog Charles K. Walker 68 

A Discourse at Amoskeag Falls . . . Rev. Joseph Secombe 79 

The Stowell Yard Clarence M. Platts 103 

Art and Artists of Manchester . . George Waldo Browne 109 

Early Days in Amoskeag .... Lucina Colburn Gardner 129 

Phinehas Adams Arthur P. Dodge 137 

The Mills of Manchester George Waldo Browne 149 

How Houses Ark Numbered 157 

Amoskeag in Early Pioneer Days . . Rev. C. W. Wallace 159 

Major John Moor Hon. Albert Moore Spear 168 

The Battle of Bennington . . . Dr. William O. Stillman 173 
Stark's Independent Command at Bennington, 

Herbert D. Foster 181 

Reminiscence of General Stark . . . Elder James Randall 2V2, 

Gen. John Stark Robert R. Law 213 

Recollections of the Old Hanover-Street Church, 

Deacon [ohn Kimball 223 

Notes From an Old-Time History 227 

The Old Crown Point Road .... Hon. Alvin S. Burbank 229 

Henry W. Herrick Alice Donlevy 240 


Joe H. Potter , 247 

Edwin T. Baldwin 249 

Walter Cody 250 


Francis B. Eaton 253 

Lucretia Lane Eaton 255 

Sallie Sophronia Harvey 257 

Hon. James F. Briggs 258 

I. Clarence Whittemore 262 

Daniel J. Daley 263 

William F. Hubbard 264 

George Byron Chandler 266 

Horace P. Simpson 269 

Ezra Huntington 271 

Charles W. Eager 272 

Joseph W. Fellows 273 

Henry W. Herrick 277 

Frank W. Fitts 279 

Roland Rowell 280 

George H. Tanswell 282 

Capt. John A. Barker 282 

Dr. James F. Brown 285 

Walter S. Noyes 286 

George Emerson 287 

Rt. Rev. John B. Delany 288 

Arthur L. Walker 291 

Henry H. Morgan 293 

Adoniram J. Lane 293 

Alonzo Elliott 295 

Col. Edward C. Shirley 298 

George S. Eastman 298 

George F. Laird 299 

Orrin E. Kimball 301 

George F. Perry 302 

William E. Buck 305 

Harrison D. Lord 306 

Edwin S. Foster 310 

Frank S. Bodwell 312 

Sylvester C. Gould 313 

Gillis Stark, M. D 317 

Robert D. Gay 318 

Charles H. Bodwell 320 



Gen. John Stark Frontispiece 

When the Woods Were White With Snow . . J. Warren Thyng 1 

Map of Old Dunstable Opp 5 

Battle of Bunker Hill Opp 35 

Fishing Places at Amoskeag Falls 61 

Amoskeag Falls, 

From a rare painting by J. B. Bachelder Opp 149 

Bennington Battle Ground, Plan of 177 

Catamount Tavern 180 


Joe H. Potter Opp 247 

Walter Cody Opp 250 

Frances B. Eaton Opp 253 

Sallie S. Harvey Opp 257 

Hon. James F. Briggs Opp 258 

William F. Hubbard Opp 264 

George Byron Chandler Opp 266 

Charles W. Eager Opp 272 

Henry W. Herrick Opp 277 

Rt. Rev. John B. Delany Opp 282 

Arthur L. Walker Opp 291 

William E. Buck Opp 305 

Harrison D. Lord Opp 306 


By Nellie M. Browne 

Recited before the Manchester Historic Association upon its 
celebration of the two hundredth anniversary of the winter march 
of Captain Tyng and his snow-shoe scouts. 


Y THE light of the early morning, 

When the woods were white with snow, 
Marched the snow-shoe men from Dunstable, 
Now two hundred years ago. 

With faces turned to the Northward, 

Leaving homes without a sigh, 
Ready to act for their loved ones — 

Ready ever to do and die. 


They had left their hearthfires burning, 
And those they held most dear; 

But honor and valor went with them, 
Though the way was long and drear. 

Up the ' 'River of Broken Waters," 
In silence wended their way, 

For their feet were clad with snow-shoes, 
And stout of heart were they. 

You have read how they met the enemy - 
The tedious march was done, 

Which gave to us our home-rights, 
Their well-earned victory won. 

Who shall say they were not heroes, 
Though the years have flown apace? 

Who can say they are not worthy 
In our hearts to hold a place? 

They have left with us their record — 
The fight and hardships shared — 

Let us keep alive their memory, 
Remember the men who dared. 

When at last life's chain is broken, 

Let this ever be our prayer; 
That their deeds shall be recorded, 

And their names be written there. 

Qfyt Jmoto^Jjoe ^coute 

An Address Delivered by George Waldo Browne Before the 
Manchester Historic Association Upon the Two Hun- 
dredth Anniversary of the Winter Scout of Capt. 
William Tyng and His Snow-Shoe Men. 

Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen: 

C^TlT is my purpose this evening to speak of that little 
band of men whose names have become enrolled on 

, the historic pages of early New England as "The 
Snow-Shoe Scouts;" the men who were foremost among 
the pioneers in breaking the New Hampshire wilderness; 
the men whose log cabins were the homes of the first 
actual settlers within the populous section of our city; the 
men whose clearings were the windows in the primeval 
forest to first let in the sunlight of these northern skies 
upon this paradise of the red men; the men whose rough- 
walled meeting house reared on one of the pine-templed 
hills near by, was the first to declare to the coming gene- 
rations that their ancestors were a God-fearing people. 

Sitting here in the enjoyment of the pleasures and 
privileges of a civilized life; coming from the homes of a 
Christian community, and protected by the laws of a free 
government, it is not easy to comprehend that within the 
span of two lives — a Stark and a Kidder — this scene was 
the heart of an unpeopled wildwood; where the lofty pine 
lifted high its sombre plume in defiance of the woodman's 
axe; where the sedgy vine bound in its relentless folds the 
oaken freeman of the forest; where the Merrimack ran its 
race unvexed from mountain to the sea; where by day the 
hungry bear crept forth from its lonely lair, and by 
night the stealthy panther prowled upon the footsteps of 
its prey; where, from sun to sun, the timid deer followed 



its flight unfearing the shadow of a human being; ay, when 
and where the solemn drum-beats of Old Amoskeag, which 
had not lost a note for cycles of forgotten years, was un- 
broken and unchallenged by the rumble of factory wheels 
or the thunder of street traffic; the silence of the solitude 
broken only by the myriad voices of Nature — the murmur 
of running waters, the soughing of the wind, the trill of 
the forest songster, the plaint of a belated fox, the laugh- 
ter of the loon — blending in harmonious concert, the softer 
notes drowned at intervals by the harsh tremolo of some 
wandering wolf. 

If two hundred years ago only an occasional red man, 
like a shadow of departed greatness, lingered around these 
old familiar scenes, the Merrimack valley had been in truth 
the great battle ground of the aboriginal races. Here, the 
natural heir of Nature's realm, the lordly Penacook had 
threaded the dim aisles of its wild arcades, his snowy canoe 
had vied with the foam upon its broken waters, his warcry 
had awakened the fastness of its far-reaching forests, his 
council fires starred the Plutonian night of the barbaric 
wilderness long ere the white sails of Columbus' caravels 
had dotted the distant main; long ere the ravens of the 
Northmen had flaunted their dark wings on the sedgy 
shores of Old Vineland; ay, long ere the most learned cos- 
mographer of the Old World had dreamed of a land and a 
people beyond the untraversed seas. Here, was sounded 
up and down the country, from the mysterious West, the 
wild alarm of battle from their, ancient and deadly 
enemies, the Romans of America, the Mohawks. Here, 
from the Brave Lands of the Penacook to the murmuring 
waters of Pawtucket, from the pulseless breasts of Uncan- 
noonuc to the crag-castles of Old Pawtuckaway the invin- 
cible Abnakis bore aloft the tocsin of war. Here wound 
the wartrails of nations that fought, bled and perished in 
the same cause which has wrung tears from the old earth 
since it was young. This was in truth the Thessaly of 
Olden New England. 


From out of the misty background of Tradition rise 
the stalwart figures of that heroic period. Among them 
the stately Kenewa appears mustering his dusky legion, 
to lead it forth to anticipated conquest only to be swallowed 
up by the hungry wilderness as was Varus and his army in 
the old Germanic forest. Then the valiant Winnemet 
rallied around him upon the Brave Lands his gallant fol- 
lowers in his desperate endeavor to stem the tide of that 
disastrous Waterloo, falling encircled by the last of 
"old guard" of the Penacooks. Now the magnanimous 
Passaconnaway, reading in the signs of the times, the 
destiny in store for his people, taught them it was better to 
condone the wrongs done by a stronger race than to com- 
bat a hopeless fate, leaving them with his parting words 
impressed upon their minds, while he launched his frail 
boat upon the placid waters of Massabesic, to the red men 
"the eyes of the sky," to vanish from sight and story. 
What a picturesque sight was presented by the tall, erect 
figure of the aged sachem standing upright in the centre 
of his fragile craft, while it was slowly wafted by the rip- 
pling water away from the pine-fronded shore, away from 
the landscape which swiftly disappeared before the incom- 
ing of white man, but whose going out was even slower 
than the disappearance of the race of which this single 
chieftain was a noble representative. Here, the curtain 
fallen on the closing scene of pagan warfare, Wannalancet, 
the last great sachem of the Penacooks, called about him 
his few scattered followers to lead them to that rendezvous 
under French protection upon the St. Francis, to return 
himself a few years latter that his ashes might mingle with 
the dust of his fathers. Here, sacrificing every hope and 
ambition for his people, brave Merruwacomet, better 
known as Joe English, fought and fell in the interest of an 
alien people, an unhonored hero. Here, too, in the gloam- 
ing of that long day, came the lonely Christo to consecrate 
with the tears of a warrior the graves of his sires, the ashes 
of his race. No mean knights of chivalry these, every 


hero of them worthy to stand shoulder to shoulder with the 
best of the Old World champions. 

Of their rights or wrongs I have little to say at this 
time, but am free to confess that I have no patience with 
those who declare they were hopeless savages, beyond the 
light of civilization. I would remind that same judge that 
it was not so very many generations ago that his own an- 
cestors lurked sullenly in caverns of the earth and came 
forth clad in the skins of wild beasts. It is related by one 
of the pioneers that while abroad one night upon the river- 
bank, he discovered an Indian approaching upon his hands 
and knees. A friendly motion of the hand of the dusky 
scout caused the white man to wait his approach. Then, 
with his fingers upon his lips to enjoin silence, he whis- 

"Me watch to see the deer kneel." 

Then it occurred to the white man that it was 
Christmas, and he realized that in the simplicity of his be- 
lief the red man was expecting at that sacred hour to see 
the deer come forth from the forest to fall upon their 
knees in silent adoration to the Great Spirit. Truly that 
race cannot be lost to Omnipotent justice who, in its 
honesty of faith, looks through Nature's eyes up to God. 

The condition between the red man and his white 
competitor reminds me of the story of the "talking turkey." 
A white man and an Indian, hunting together, had agreed 
to divide equally the spoils of their hunt, which resulted 
simply in getting a good fat turkey and a worthless crow. 
In this dilemma the white man proposed that they divide 
even, by saying: 

"I'll take the turkey, and you can take the crow; or 
you can take the crow and I will take the turkey." 

"Ugh!" exclaimed the red man, "you no talk turkey 
to poor Indian at all." 

The Treaty of Ryswick, September 20, 1697, closed 
Frontenac's long series of aggressive campaigns on the 


part of New France against New England, and a period of 
comparative peace between the settlers of these provinces 
succeeded. The pride and the power of the Five Nations, 
always arrayed against the French since the days of 
Champlain, had been broken and humbled; their numerous 
acres of maize destroyed with ruthless hands; their great 
apple orchards ruined; their large tracts of ripening melons 
destroyed; and their towns ravaged and given over to the 
torch of the despoiler. The Abnakis, the constant allies 
of the French, were for the time gluttered of their ven- 
geance and their appetite for blood sated. 

But the respite was not overlong. Soon the war -torch 
was rekindled and the war-whoops of the Eastern 
Amerinds again awoke the solitude of northern New Eng- 
land. This was the coming of the twilight to the darkest 
night in the history of New England warfare. England 
and France were again drawn into an armed contest in 
that century and more of conflict which marks that era of 
European history. This time Spain was a part of the 
strife, largely the bone of contention, and European 
historians have styled this "The War of the Spanish Suc- 
cession." In America it was called "Queen Anne's War," 
as that queen was the ruler of Great Britian, and, as usual, 
the trouble in the old world was largely fought out in the 
new, and its terrible warfare lasted for nearly ten years. 

Hitherto the red men had carried on their predatory 
struggles mainly through their own arms and leadership. 
Now they were not only armed but trained and advised by 
the masters of French military tactics and unceasingly to 
strike their subtle yet terrific blows. Thus all the cruel 
cunning of the wild savage was united with the merciless 
ingenuity of the then foremost military power in the 
world. Urged on by this crafty ally, keeping constantly 
before their eyes the well-thumbed prayer-book while he 
held over their heads the sword, the Amerinds, in scouting 
parties numbering from half a dozen to a score or more, 
raided every section of the wide belt of wilderness lying 


between the more thickly settled quarters of the English 
on the south and the French fortresses on the north. The 
pioneers of Maine and New Hampshire were consequently 
the greatest sufferers. According to the best information 
we have, and which is all too meagre, more than two 
hundred men, women and children were killed or taken 
into a captivity worse to contemplate than even death at 
the hands of a barbaric foe. The torch was applied to 
cabin after cabin, until it began to look as if the English 
settlers were doomed. By the swiftness and frequency of 
their attacks upon the scattered homes of the pioneers it 
seemed as if the dusky enemies were omnipresent hanging 
"like lightning upon the edge of a cloud," about those 
lonely cabins fringing the wilderness. 

In their hapless plight the people turned to the gov- 
ernment for assistance. The French were paying a bounty 
for scalps of the English, and the courts of Massachusetts, 
in order to encourage the pioneers of their domains, offered 
a bounty of fifty pounds for every Indian scalp that should 
be secured. This encouragement, in addition to the 
natural desire to retaliate for the inhuman deeds com- 
mitted against them, caused the whites to speedily organize 
several scouting parties along the lower Merrimack valley 
for the purpose of driving back the enemy and striking a 
blow in self-defence. About twenty of these parties were 
organized, to see more or less of service, but the first and 
most conspicuous of these was that gallant band of whom 
I am to speak, "Tyng's Snow-Shoe Scouts." 

The depredations of the Amerinds were mostly made 
in the summer. It was not only easier for them to move 
about like so many shadows under the forest shade, but 
the white settlers were then occupied with their various 
duties about their new homes, and less prepared to combat 
them. Upon the other hand, the English made nearly all 
of their retaliatory expeditions against their wily foes dur- 
ing the winter season. If the forests were snow-clogged 
then, the undergrowth was overladen with its heavy man- 


tie, the streams and ponds bridged with silver planking, 
and the red men now aggregated in groups more readily 
found than in the summer when they were scattered. The 
whites, too, had more leisure in which to pursue this stub- 
born warfare. 

The situation of the entire colonists in America at 
that perilous period was exceedingly critical. The English 
held only a chain of settlements along the New England 
coast, here and there fringing the banks of its 
many rivers; the Dutch, a cluster of hamlets in New 
Netherlands, now New York; and the English another 
colony at Jamestown, Virginia. The French meanwhile 
had obtained possession, in a large sense speculative, the 
entire interior stretching from Acadie on the east, up the 
valley of the St. Lawrence past Tadousac, the trading 
station at the mouth of the Saguenay, Quebec, upon its 
rock-throne, Montreal, on the site of ancient Huron capi- 
tal, the rich country about the Great Lakes, and the fer- 
tile basins running down to the Gulf of Mexico. This 
crescent-shaped line of settlements, bounded on the north 
by the unexplored wilderness, was maintained by a chain 
of fortresses, guarded by a paid soldiery, encouraged by 
the prayers of zealous missionaries, and supported by rich 
traders who desired to become yet richer. In all this vast 
area there were only two homes within sight and sound of 
the rock of Quebec. 

The English held their limited domain by actual home- 
building, clearing the wilderness and cultivating the soil 
wherever they dared to venture, and the natural resources 
allured them hence. They stubbornly defended their 
homes to their utmost. The first was a military power; 
the latter a civil body. 

It can be readily understood that the Indians, situated 
in the broad belt of debatable country between these rival 
powers almost constantly at each other's throat, were like 
grains of corn between two mill wheels, sure to be crushed 
by one or the other. None realized this better than they 


in their ignorance and weakness, and this very fact served 
to make them suspicious and revengeful. It was impossi- 
ble for them to remain neutral, and it was natural they 
should be won over to the French through their zeal- 
ous priests and dazzling glamor of their armed forces. To 
the simple warrior of the wilderness the soldiers of New 
France were dashing, courageous gallants, the flashing of 
whose rapiers was the lightning and the roar of whose fire- 
arms was the thunder of battle. When they saw these 
gaily-bedecked sons of mars, whom they knew were their 
superiors, lie down beside them in the wallow, and adopt 
with apparent cheerfulness their methods of living, they 
were easily induced to become their allies. In the words 
of Charlevoix: "The savages did not become Frenchmen; 
the Frenchmen became savages." But with all their 
shrewdness the French did not adopt the red man's tactics 
of warfare. 

On the other hand, while the English scorned affilia- 
tion with the Indians they did not hesitate to imitate them 
in their system of border strife. In this respect they 
gained a decided advantage over the French from the days 
of Captain Tyng and his "Snow-shoe Scouts" to the close 
of the cruel drama under Rogers and his Rangers. Com- 
pared with the cunning artifices and hand-to-hand encount- 
ers of the veterans of those war-trails the personal prowess 
and valor of the mailed warriors of the age of chivalry in 
European struggles become common-place combats. It is 
true the pomp of bannered columns, the eclat of heraldry, 
the shimmer of burnished armor were wanting, but in their 
places were the stern, determined countenances of sun- 
bronzed and weather-beaten men; instead of the thunder of 
hoofs was the stillness of foot-soldiers shod with silence; 
instead of the clangor of clumsy arms rang the sharp twang 
of the bow, and the track of the hurtling dart was sped by 
the feathered arrow. 

Where, in the one case, was a Saviour's grave to 
rescue from the infidels, on the other were human lives — 


mothers, daughters, sons and sweethearts, over whose 
fates hung a mystery and horror that passed the compre- 
hension of man. Everywhere the frontier had been 
ravaged by an enemy that neither compassed the range of 
suffering or knew the redeeming grace of compassion. 
Not alone were young men fired with the zeal of defence 
and rescue in those unwritten crusades, but old men be- 
came knight-errants on those long, tedious, perilous 
marches through the wilderness of debatable country lying 
between the blockhouses of the English and the strong- 
holds of the French — a pathless belt of forest three 
hundred miles in width. These ardous marches had to be 
performed in the dead of winter, not upon the backs of 
eager warhorses, but upon foot, the shadowy soldiery 
threading in silence lonely ravines, scaling broken foot- 
hills, creeping under matted thickets reeking with the 
sweat of centuries, when the wilderness was snow-clogged, 
and the water-ways locked with the key of Nature. Re- 
sorting to the use of snow-shoes, the intrepid scouts wound 
their weary way over huge snow-banks, at times wading 
knee-deep in some turgid stream whose silvery covering 
had proved too thin to bear their weight, anon dragging 
their loads over the icy surface of an inland sheet of 
water; at nightfall stopping to dig a hole in the snow for 
the site of their camping-place, fearing to build a fire to 
thaw their benumbed limbs lest some argus-eyed enemy, 
who was to be expected at all times lurking in ambush, 
should spring upon them; appeasing their hunger with bits 
of dried meat, lying down on a layer of fir-boughs for their 
couch, a bedraggled blanket or frozen skin for a covering, 
— even in sleep the mittened hand holding upon the stock 
of the trusty firearm, and the trained ear alert to catch the 
first intimation of danger. Wet, tired, stiffened by the 
day's march, after a night's unrest, making a breakfast 
without a fire, these show-shoe scouts were up and moving 
again though the winter wind cut like a two-edged sword, 
and the sleet pelted like shotted lead. And ever the un- 



certainty of their quest, should they succeed in reaching 
the end of their pathless trail, only an inkling of whose 
sufferings can be conveyed by the tongue. 

It is said that it was a woman's forethought which 
suggested the snow-shoes, but be that as it may the idea 
found instant favor, and no sooner had Capt. William 
Tyng petitioned to the Massachusetts General Court for 
the privilege of organizing a band of scouts than busy 
hands began to get in readiness these useful objects. 
Within a week forty-four had signified their willingness — 
ay, eagerness — to accompany Captain Tyng upon his 
arduous expedition. Their names and residences are as 


John Shepley 
Peter Talbird 
Josiah Richardson 
Saml. Chamberlain 
Ebner. Spaulding 
Henry Farwell 
John Spaulding 
Jona. Butterfield 
Stephen Keyes 
Timothy Spaulding 

Nathaniel Woods 
William Longley 
Jonathan Page 
Joseph Parker 
Nathl. Blood 
Thos. Tarble. 
Richard Warner 
Saml. Davis 
Joseph Guilson 

John Spaulding, Jr. 
Benony Perham 
John Richardson 
Paul Fletcher 
Nathaniel Butterfield 
Stephen Pierce 
Henry Spaulding 
Jonathan Parker 
Ephraim Hildreth 


Joseph Perham 
Joseph Lakin 
James Blanchard 
William Whitney 
Eleazer Parker 
Saml. Woods 
John Longley 
John Holden 

the snow-shoe scouts 15 

Thomas Lund Joseph Blanchard 

Joseph Butterfield John Cumings 

Thomas Cumings 

John Hunt Jonathan Hill 

Jonathan Richards 

Capt. William Tyng, the organizer and leader of this 
expedition, was the second son of Col. Jonathan and Sarah 
(Usher) Tyng, born April 22, 1679. His grandfather was 
the Hon. Edward Tyng, born in Dunstable, England, in 
1600 His father, Edward, was one of the original proprie- 
tors of Dunstable, and with his family remained in town 
during the period of King Philip's War when all others fled 
to a haven of safety. William, as far as the records show, 
was the first white child born in the town, and he became 
a prominent citizen, holding the office of selectman at the 
time of organization of his famous band of scouts. In 
1707 he was representative to the General Court, and was 
made major of the armed forces of that vicinity in 1709. 
The following summer, while engaged in active service, he 
was mortally wounded by the Indians, and died a few days 
later while being treated for his wound at Concord. He 
led other scouting parties than the one under considera- 
tion, and his younger brother, Col. Eleazer, was the leader 
of a relief party sent to succor the ill-fated Lovewell. 
Major William Tyng's son, John, was an honored and in- 
fluential citizen, who when the old township was divided 
became a resident of Tyngsborough. He was judge and 
leading factor in in the Tyng grant to be mentioned later. 

While the recording hand is silent in this matter, * 

*The original pay-roll of Captain Tyng is not preserved, but the 
record of the money paid to him is to be found in the Massachusetts 
Council Records, Vol. IV, page 20. It amounts to 71 pounds, 11 shillings 
which sum includes 25 shillings paid to a surgeon for caring for one of the 
men who came home sick. — Editor. 



I have every reason to believe that Capt. Tyng had no less 
noted person for his guide upon this expedition than Joe 
English, the friendly Agawam, whose early name had been 
Merruwacomet, meaning the "first to reach the meeting- 

These early scouting parties were usually le d by 
friendly Indians, and as late as 1724 Harmon, in his re- 
vengeful raid against the French priest Rasle and his dusky 
followers at Norridgewock, was guided by the friendly Mo- 
hawk, Christian, andthis same Indian a year later died while 
engaged in a similar service under Col. Eleazer Tyng. 
Joe English met a tragic death at the hands of his country- 
men in this vicinity July 26, 1706.! 

*Since writing the above I have found the following Declarations 
made in connection with the settlement of the boundary dispute between 
Massachusetts and New Hampshire, recorded in the Masonian Papers, 
Vol. 4, saying explicitly that Joe English acted as guide for Capt. William 
Tyng upon his expedition against the Indians during the winter of 1703-4, 
to wit: 

John Cummings of Westford says that "he proceeded against the 
Indians with Captain William Tyng, and an Indian named Joe English, 
then a noted Pilot." John Langley of Groton, reiterates this statement and 
declares "that in the Year 1703, he went up said River (Merrimack) with 
Capt. William Tyng with a noted Indian Pilot with them, named Joe 
English." Another, Isaac Bradley of Haverhill, Mass., repeats this 
declaration with the added information that Joe English lived at that time 
at "Penicook with other of ye Penicook Indians." It is quite likely that 
Captain Tyng was joined here by the "noted Indian pilot," and that he 
parted with him here upon his return. This would indicate that the 
Indians were living at Pennacook later than most historians claim. — 

tjoe English was a grandson of Masconnomet, chief sagamore of the 
Agawam family of Amerinds living within the territory now comprised in 
Ipswich, Mass. He inherited considerable land from his grandparent, 
which he conveyed to the whites and his wife by various deeds to be found 
recorded in the Massachusetts Military Records. Many are the stories re- 
lated of his bravery and fidelity to the whites. His death was generally 
lamented, and the Massachusetts General Assembly made a grant of land 
and allowed the widow and her two children a pension, "because he had 
died in the service of his country." — Editor. 


Captain Tyng had his men in readiness for marching, 
and on the morning of December 28, 1703, his party moved 
up the Merrimack valley, leading the way through the 
pathless forest for the many expeditions of the kind that 
were to follow during the sanguinary years of the French 
and Indian wars. Over this same route Woodward, Gard- 
ner and their companions had been the first white men to 
penetrate when upon their original survey of the Merri- 
mack made by order of the Massachusetts court in 1638. 
Over this same course was Captain Tyng to pass again 
upon another march of this adventurous sort, and along 
his path Capt. John White. By this way, too, went the 
brave Lovewell in his memorable trips, the last of which 
cost him and his men so dear. Here, also, followed Col. 
Eleazer Tyng, and others, in their efforts to succor the 
unfortunate hero of border warfare. 

The Sokokis, located upon the intervales of the Saco 
at Picwackett, as in later years, were the greatest source 
of annoyance to the whites, and among them a certain 
chief known to his followers as Raven Plume, on account 
of the black feather he wore in his head-dress, at the head 
of a small band of dusky slayers had become particularly 
obnoxious to the English. They had designated this 
leader of their enemies as "The Old Harry," which seemed 
the blackest color they could apply to him, and no doubt 
Captain Tyng had this dreaded foe in mind when he 
organized his snow-scouts. Thus Captain Tyng moved 
in that direction, always with extreme caution, sending out 
scouts by day to look for signs of the enemy and never 
sleeping at night without a watchful guard. 

Captain Tyng was a God-fearing man, in those days 
when fear of Divine wrath meant more than an idle threat. 
He and his hardy men belonged to that religious body 
known as Dissenters, who had come to this country for 
one reason to enjoy freedom of worship. That freedom, 
however, was of a very austere sort. The Sabbath was 
strictly observed, and who disobeyed its precepts was sure 


to call upon his head righteous condemnation and punish- 
ment. Each succeeding Sunday these snow-shoe scouts 
rested, the leader, with well-worn bible in hand holding 
appropriate ceremony, offering a sermon and prayer. The 
depth of feeling and earnestness of purpose of that little 
band of worshippers as they knelt upon the carpet of snow 
under the canopied church of the wilderness may be 
imagined but cannot be adequately described. No walls 
of masonry circumscribed the range of the preacher's voice 
which rose upon the wintry air with unbroken eloquence 
to the white throne of God. The melody of church bells 
was rendered in matchless beauty by the swelling anthems 
of the forest songs brought out by the wild winds, as they 
shook the roof of giant pines forming the great natural 
cathedral where the Genius of Solitude was the master 

Something of the rigidity with which these services 
were held and the manner in which the Sabbath was 
observed may be understood from the fact that one of the 
men, John Richardson, was fined by Captain Tyng forty 
shillings for "wetting a piece of an old hat to put into his 
shoe," which chafed his foot upon the march. 

Toward nightfall upon the twentieth day the imprint 
of a moccasined foot was discovered by Joe English, and a 
halt was quickly ordered. The track had been made with- 
in half an hour, and it was believed some of the enemies 
were encamped near by. At any rate it stood them in 
hand to move with greater caution then ever. They were 
now in the heart of the country about the lodgment of 
the Sokokis. The guide, accompanied by one other, 
reconnoitred the scene, and they were not gone fifteen 
minutes before they returned with the announcement that 
Old Harry, with four of his followers, were bivouaced in 
the valley below. It was quite certain, Joe English de- 
clared, that the Sokokis intended to stop there until morn- 
ing, and he counseled a pause where they were until it 
should be deemed wise to advance upon the enemy. 


With impatience and anxiety the band remained in- 
active waiting the word of their leader to move. If the 
wintry cold pierced their bodies they dared not relieve 
themselves of the suffering by building a fire. The most 
that could be done was to move silently to and fro in a cir- 
cumscribed space and defy the cold, the mittened hand 
always clutching the iron throat of the trusty firearm 
ready for use at the first alarm. Joe was gone longer 
upon his second scout than at first, and when he returned, 
it was simply to say that the foes had rolled themselves in 
their blankets, but were not yet in that sound sleep which 
he wished. So another hour passed on leaden wings, when 
the friendly chief made his third and last survey, coming 
back with the welcome tidings that the time for action had 

Captain Tyng and Joe English had already decided to 
advance in two lines or files, their courses so shaped as to 
approach the sleeping red men from right angles. At the 
proper moment Joe was to give a sharp cry in the Indian 
tongue. This was expected to arouse the unsuspecting 
sleepers, who would naturally leap to their feet in alarm. 
Then, before they could discover the real cause of this 
signal, the whites were to pour a deadly broadside upon 

Captain Tyng led the file upon the right, while his 
dusky ally, Merruwacomet, guided the other line. The 
snow-shoes effectually muffled every sound of the double 
line of march, and the scouts were too well trained in 
border warfare to betray their movements by any careless 
step. A deep silence rested upon the whited night. If 
the wind shook the arms of the fir upon the distant moun- 
tainside it did not so much as lift a finger of the sensitive 
birch in the lowlands. Only the snapping of an occasional 
twig bitten by the frost broke the ominous stillness. 

So well and accurately did these files of scouts move 
that no sooner had one reached an advantageous position 
than the other was in readiness for the opening fire. 


With a tinge of triumph in his voice, remembering the 
many wrongs inflicted upon him by his race, Joe English 
gave the war-signal, which must have rung up and down 
the valley with startling intonations, and taken up by the 
mountains sent back as a challenge between the races. 

With what terror the red men leaped to their feet may 
be imagined, but they fell even swifter before the deadly 
fire of their white avengers, Old Harry the first to rise and 
the first to fall. Viewed in the light of to-day it was a cold- 
blooded deed, but it was only the awful echo of the war- 
whoops that had given the death-knell of two hundred in- 
nocent lives; the volley of musketry, the extinguishing 
flame of hundreds of torches swung over peaceful homes. 
Old Harry had been a merciless foe; he died as a true war- 
rior of his race would have met his fate. 

The slaying accomplished with a rapidity and ease 
almost regretted by them, the victors looked to the secur- 
ing of the trophies of their expedition. It is said, though 
I cannot vouch for its truthfulness, that Joe English de- 
clined to take part in this work. It is possible he remem- 
bered them as his kinsmen. Still he knew so deadly was 
the hatred of the others that they would have shot him 
down with fiendish delight. In fact, a little over two years 
later he was surprised and killed as a wild beast would 
have been destroyed. 

The object of their mission obtained, with the gory 
proofs of their victory, the scouts in the morning started 
upon their return. The journey home was uneventful. 
They reached Dunstable upon January 25, 1703-4, having 
been gone three days less than a month. The story of 
their expedition must have been listened to by eager 
listeners, and curious ones looked with feelings akin to 
awe upon the ghastly products of that wintry scout. The 
court paid Captain Tyng and his men the expected 
bounty, which amounted to two hundred pounds in the 
currency of the times. 

While this expedition and others that followed that 


winter in a measure checked the depredations of the 
Indians it did not end them, for within three years we find 
that the enemy dared to penetrate even to the homes of 
the settlers in this vicinity, and life after life was sacrificed 
to the gluttony of their vengeance. The desperate strug- 
gle between the races lasted until 1713, or for more than ten 
years. Scarcely had a decade of peace passed before there 
followed those stirring scenes culminating in Lovewell's 
deadly fight on that memorable May morning, 1725. 

In conclusion, let it not be forgotten that whatever 
we have accomplished, whatever has been done in building 
up a civilization here in our rugged state, the foundation 
was laid by the men and women who dared and conquered 
the Genius of the Wilderness; the men and women who 
followed the Indian trails into the primeval forest, where 
now our streets and highways band the country, dotted 
with farmhouses or lined with city homes. 

Little did it matter if they came, as some of them did, 
with an accumulation of wealth which in home lands would 
have supported them in comfort, they met difficulties 
heretofore undreamed of, dangers no money could avert, 
hardships and privations the foresight of man, under those 
circumstances, could not spare them. But the majority 
did not come thus amply laden; they were the rank and 
file of the British yeomanry, who made no murmur against 
the fate they had followed, but bent to the undertaking 
they had imposed upon themselves with a faith in their 
God matched only by that unswerving confidence in them- 
selves that they were equal to the work. Perhaps the first 
class suffered the more, for the reason they had a brighter 
past, and may have found it harder to submit to the in- 

This generation ne'er can know 
The toils they had to undergo, 
While laying the great forests low. 

— Alex McLachlan, Canadian poet. 



In those days every man was a hero, every woman a 
heroine, who together overcame wild nature, cleared their 
forest fields, builded their humble dwellings, erected their 
mills, constructed their churches and school-houses, where 
a few years before the nearest approach to civilization was 
the conical wigwam of the red man, and the howl of the 
marauding wolf the voice of Solitude to her God. 

<3H)e Snfcrtan Wnt& m Jfeto #amp= 

Remarks by Frank P. Sanborn, Before the Manchester His- 
toric Association, February 8, 1905, Upon the Celebra- 
tion of the Two Hundredth Anniversary of the 
Winter Scout of Capt. William Tyng 
and His Snow-Shoe Men. 

Ladies and Gentlemen: 

-riiyOR every persistent change in the condition of the 
"\\ human race, anywhere on earth, the causes seem 
^H to be both general and special. The general 
cause of the wars with the native Americans, whom our 
ancestors found ranging over the vast regions now included 
within our Republic, was the difference in habits and pur- 
poses of life, — what we term a difference in civilization. 
The red Indians inhabiting here, so long before us, had a 
kind of civilization; indeed, they had several different 
kinds, if we accept what is now the tendency of opinion 
among the experts in American archaeology, — that the 
Mexicans, Peruvians, etc., were all but different families 
in the great red race that peopled America from one polar 
circle to the other. But whatever their special degree of 
civilization might be, these natives were nowhere free from 
warfare, or averse to it; the most peaceful and artistic 
among them had bloody rites and disgusting superstitions, 
which, to Europeans coming among them, and calling 
themselves Christians, seemed to invite missionary under- 
takings, with the Bible and the musket, the Cross and the 
sword, for the conversion of these Pagans. Too often, 
when conversion followed, it produced the state of mind 
described in the Dakota prayer-meeting by the new con- 



vert of the Baptist missionary, in the past century. Lo, 
the poor Indian in question, being called on for his relig- 
ions experience, six weeks after baptism, spoke as follows: 

"Brethren, you see before you a witness to the excel- 
lent preaching of our good missionary. Two months ago 
I was a poor heathen; I knew neither God nor the Devil. 
Now, thanks to our dear Brother Jones, here, I can truly 
say, I know and love them both." 

But in the more numerous cases where Christianity 
softened the vices of the converted Indian, it did not 
reach his whole tribe or nation; and the very fact that some 
of them had abandoned the traditions of the fathers was a 
cause of war, against the converted or converters, or both. 
Apart from this was the wide difference in habits of life 
between the colonist and the native, with a few exceptions, 
in the Five Nations of New York, the semi-civilized 
Indians of Mexico, Peru, etc., where settled communities 
existed, and cultivation of the soil was carried on, — the 
natives were hunters and fishers and fighters; the arts and 
joys of peace were unknown to them. Their ownership 
of lands, in this part of America, was of the slightest 
tenure; they had not even pasture rights here, but only a 
forest range for killing the wild beasts, feeding on the fish 
and birds, and growing a little Indian corn and tobacco 
here and there, in favorable nooks. The Five Nations, in 
central and southern New York, had great cornfields, and 
fixed dwellings; but they were exceptional. The colonists, 
on the other hand, came here to till the land, to build 
houses and towns, to freight ships and work mines, and 
repeat in New England the story of Old England, under 
freer conditions. The industry of the Englishman made 
the idleness of the Indian his natural antagonist. Slavery 
beins: then the rule in all Christian nations; the colonist 
naturally thought the Indian a fit person to be his slave 
and drudge, — hired servants being few and hard to keep, 
in a new country, where each active man soon set up for 
himself. Moreover, the native had certain troublesome 


vices. He would steal and, when he could get access to 
the strong waters of the invading colonist, he would get 
drunk and do mischief. "Our Deacon," said the Missouri 
parishoner, "is a good man, — a right good man, — he has 
got but one fault; he will swear when he gets drunk." 
The good Indian, under the spell of drink, developed sev- 
eral faults; and the crafty and wicked among the colonists 
soon took advantage of this weakness. In 1677 some 
Abnaki Indians in Maine, perhaps inspired by Jesuits who 
had converted them, complained of our grand New Hamp- 
shire Indian fighter, Richard Waldron of Dover, that he 
had taken advantage of King Philip's War, hundreds of 
miles away, to punish them in Maine. 

"Because there was war at Narragansett, you came 
here when we were quiet, and took away our guns, and 
made prisoners of our sagamores; and that winter, for 
want of our guns, there was several starved. Is it your 
fashion to come and make peace, and then kill us? Major 
Waldin do lie; we were not minded to kill nobody; he give 
us drink, and when we were drunk killed us." 

There can be little doubt that Major Waldron, in his 
great trade with the Indians, made use of "fire water," 
either as merchandise or to facilitate buying furs. A 
curious instance of this is found in the early annals of 
Groton, as published by my friend, Dr. Green, a native of 
that town, to whose history he has contributed copiously 
for the past forty years. In his Historical Address, July 
4, 1876, he said: 

"In May, 1668, Capt. Richard Waldron built a truck- 
ing or trading house at Penacook, now Concord, where, a 
few weeks after, Thomas Dickinson was murdered by an 
Indian. It appeared in the evidence that there had been a 
drunken row, and that Tohaunto, the chief, desired the 
men from Groton, if they had brought any liquor, to pour 
it on the ground, — for, said he, 'It will make my Indians 
all one Devil.'" 


The testimony of Daniel Waldron of Dover, son of 
Richard, and of Thomas Payne, Waldron's servant, is very 
suggestive on the use of liquor at the trading house. The 
Groton men, meeting some Indians at Penacook, were told 
by them that an Englishman had been killed there by an 
Indian, and that, in accordance with English laws, they 
had put the Indian to death. 

"We further inquiring of them whether the Indians 
were drunk when the Englishman was killed, they answered. 
'All the Indians were then drunk, or else they had no killed 
Englishman,' and Tohaunto, a Sagamore, being afraid that 
we had brought liquors to sell, desired us, if we had any, 
that we would pour it on the ground; for it would make the 
Indians all one Devil Then we meeting with Thomas 
Payne, who told us he was Capt. Waldern's servant, — ask- 
ing him whether the Indians were drunk, he said 'Not 
drunk.' But we saw a Rundlet in the trucking house, which 
would hold at least six gallons, near the said fort. After 
which, we meeting with the Indians then there, and telling 
them that Thomas Payne told us they were not drunk, — 
the Indians then said 'That Payne much lied, for we had 
divers quarts of liquors the same day;' and one of the 
Indians told his squaw to toash (fetch?) a bladder, wherein 
the Indian said there was a quart of liquor; and we do 
adjudge it to be as much." 

Daniel Waldron, testifying before Simon Willard, our 
founder of Old Concord, and William Hawthorne, magis- 
trates of Massachusetts, said he was the son of Richard 
Waldron, and added: 

"Myself with many others was sent up by my father 
to see the corpse of Thomas Dickinson, and inquire into 
his death. When we came there we found the man 
dead, and an Indian lying dead by him. Examining the 
Indians how he came by his death, they said the Indian, 
that lay dead by him, killed him with a knife; and inquiring 
further why he killed him, the Indians told us they asked 
him, and he gave them no answer, but bid them shoot him. 


After this we saw him buried presently, and returned home 
the next day." 

It appeared that Dickinson was Peter Coffin's man (a 
partner of Richard Waldron) as Payne was Waldron's man; 
and no doubt the six gallons of liquor was part of the stock 
in trade of the two Dover magnates, who, but for this kill- 
ing, were going to send carpenters to build houses at Con- 
cord, and have ground broken up for cultivation. This 
affair, and the Indian troubles following, deferred the set- 
tlement there for nearly sixty years. 

The Abnakis of Maine had attacked New Hampshire^ 
in September, 1675, burning houses and killing men. Per- 
haps they shared the uneasiness which brought on Philip's 
War in Massachusetts, so disastrous to the Puritans; at 
any rate the Massachusetts and Rhode Island allies of 
Philip, after his death, strayed north and eastward, through 
the dense woods, and committed murders in New Hamp- 
shire, — then, taking refuge with the Penacooks on the Mer- 
rimack above you, and still farther north with the Chocoruas 
around the mountain of that name, who had been at peace 
with the settlers on the Pascataqua and the tidewaters. 
Their old friend, Richard Waldron, undertook to hold the 
New Hampshire Indians to their friendship with his fellow 
planters and lumbermen; and for this purpose, in Septem- 
ber, 1676, he invited four hundred of the tribes, including 
two hundred of the friendly Penacooks, to meet the Col- 
onists near his fortress in Dover. In an evil hour, Captain 
William Hawthorne, of the novelist's family, with a com- 
pany of Puritan soldiers who had been fighting Philip and 
his allies in Massachusetts, marched his men to Dover, and 
proposed to Waldron to attack these peaceful savages; 
among whom, no doubt, were some of those who had been 
slaughtering and burning in the Plymouth and Bay Col- 
onies. Instead of this open breach of the truce, Waldron 
induced Hawthorne and his companions to join with him 
and Captain Frost of Kittery in a stratagem which should 
place the Indians in their power. This was to beguile 


them into a sham fight, in which the savages should fire 
first, when the Puritan captains should close upon them 
and capture them without bloodshed. The ruse succeeded, 
and the Massachusetts captains returned to Boston with 
some two hundred of the captured Indians, of whom a few 
were executed as murderers, and the rest sold into slavery 
in the West Indies or at the South. Rev. William Hub- 
bard, the Puritan historian, who saw no evil in this treach- 
ery, says, complacently: 

"They had their lives spared, but were sent into other 
parts of the world, to try the difference between the 
friendship of their neighbors here, and their service with 
other masters elsewhere." 

It was no worse than Louis XIV. of France was to do 
a few years later with the hostile Iroquois of New York, — 
though that was one of the mildest of the crimes of that 
grand monarch, celebrated by the flattering priests and 
poets of his time as the propagater of Christianity. As 
Bancroft tells the story, it was thus: 

"The welfare of my service," wrote Louis XIV. to the 
Governor of New France "requires that the number of 
the Iroquois should be diminished as much as possible. 
They are strong and robust, and can be made useful as 
galley slaves. Do what you can to take a large number of 
them prisoners of war, and ship them for France." By 
open hostilities no captives could be made; and Lamber- 
ville, a missionary among the Onondagas, was unconsciously 
employed to decoy the Iroquois chiefs into the fort on Lake 
Ontario. Invited to negotiate a treaty, they assemble 
without distrust, are surprised, put in irons, hurried to 
Quebec, thence to France, and chained to the oar in the 
galleys of Marseilles. 

This treachery of the French king was not directly 
punished; and, indeed, Waldron's cruelty, though the cause 
of the Indian wars of the next year or two, along the New 
England sea-coast, was not personally punished by the 
murder of the old Major until 1689, when the French 


clergy in Canada were beginning their long crime of incit- 
ing Indian wars in New Hampshire, Maine and New York, 
in order to check the Protestant colonies in North America. 
This, combining with the frequent wars between France 
and England, from the expulsion of James II., cousin of 
the French king, in 1688, to the capture of Quebec by 
Wolfe in 1759, was the immediate cause of the Indian wars 
in New Hampshire, which only ceased with the overthrow 
of the French power in America. But there was also the 
revenge of the unforgiving Indians for cruelty, fraud or 
treachery practised upon them; and this was a chief cause 
up to about 1685. 

In these Colonial wars, there were faults on both sides, 
and also virtues on both sides. Many of the Indians were 
really friendly to the Colonists; some, no doubt, as old 
Passaconaway, chief of the Pawtuckets, had been, from a 
just sense of their power; but others for interest or affec- 
tion. In the Groton testimonies recorded by Dr. Green, 
there are some relating to a certain friendly Indian, Jacob 
Nonantinooah, and his accuser, Abraham Miller, which are 
worth citing, to show what sort of riff-raff sometimes got 
into the Puritan Colony. Josiah Parker, a Groton citizen 
of good repute, testified in December, 1691, in favor of 
Jacob, then in prison at Boston, and against his accuser, 
as follows: 

"He can say of his certain knowledge that he hath 
seen the said Jacob every month since the last Indian war 
began (in 1689) except it was when Jacob was in the 
Country service under the command of Capt. Noah Wis- 
wall in the years '89 and '90. He further saith that, as far 
as it is possible to know an Indian, he is a friend to the 
English, and hath manifested the same both in word and 
action . . . expressing himself that it did concern him 
so to do; for if they were surprised by the enemy Indians, 
he should be worse dealt with than the English. . . . Con- 
cerning Abraham Miller, he is a man little to be credited; 
for on the 2nd day of this December, Lt. Bowers and I at 


Mr. Somers's in Chariestown, discoursing him, and telling 
him he was mistaken, for these Indians were not at Canada 
when he charged them, — said Abraham Miller said, 
'Zounds, if he ever saw them Indians again out of prison, 
he would kill them;' and being cautioned a little, to be 
sober-minded, he broke out with an oath, 'that if he were 
but out of the country himself, he wished the Indians 
would knock out the brains of every person in New Eng- 
land.' This was spoke before Mr. Somers and his wife and 
several others. Being asked some time after, whether he 
was not in a passion, he replied, 'No, — he was of the same 
mind still; that if he were out of the country, he did not 
care of all the rest were knocked their brains out.'" 

Who and how many were these savages that gave our 
ancestors so much trouble? 

An old authority says there were five principal nations 
of them in New England,— the Pequots in Connecticut, 
the Narragansetts in Rhode Island, the Pokanokets in 
Southern Massachusetts, the Pawtuckets in northern 
Massachusetts and New Hampshire, and the Abenakees in 
Maine. The Penacooks seem to have been a branch of the 
Pawtuckets, while the Chocoruas and Norridgewocks were 
Abenakees. In 1 67 5, Bancroft estimates their whole num- 
ber in New England, west of the St. Croix river, and 
including the Mohegans, at 30,000; of whom 25,000 were 
south and west of the Pascataqua, and $,000 in the Maine 
forests. At the same time he estimates the whites at 

So much harm had these savages done to the infant 
colonies that in 1684, shortly before his removal, at the 
instance of Lord Halifax, Cranfield, the tyrannical Gov- 
ernor of New Hampshire, who then hoped to be appointed 
over all New England, formed a plan for inviting the cruel 
Mohawks from their New York home, to destroy the Pena- 
cooks and other eastern Indians. In connection with this 
plan, which never took effect, we have the humble suppli- 


cation of Kancamagus, Sagamore of the Penacooks, to 
Cranfield for aid against the Mohawks: 

"(Penacook), May 15, 1685. 

''Honored Governor, my Friend: 

"You my friend, I desire your worship and your power, 
because I hope you can do some great matters, this one 
(time). I am poor and naked, and I have no man at my 
place, because I afraid allways Mohogs he will kill me every 
day and night. If your worship when please pray help me, 
you no let Mohogs kill me at my place Malamake {Merri- 
mack) River, called Panukkog (Penacook) and Nattukkog 
(Naticook) I will submit your worship and your power. 
And now I want powder and such alminishon, shot and 
guns, because I have fort at my home, and plant there. 

"This all Indian hand, but pray do you consider your 
humble servant, 


This was his Indian choice for an English name, 
instead of the lofty sounding "Kancamagus." The peti- 
tion was endorsed by fourteen of his tribe, among them 
"Old Robin," who seems to have lived on a hill at Chelms- 
ford. It was at Chelmsford, four years later, that the col- 
onists received word of the proposed attack on the garri- 
sons of Waldron, Coffin, etc., at Dover; but it did not get 
to Portsmouth or Dover till the mischief had been done. 
Hogkins, or Hawkins, was then thought to have been the 
contriver of the plot which so bloodily succeeded. 

I will not dwell on the barbarity of these wars, and 
the great losses they inflicted on our ancestors in the older 
towns of New Hampshire; the story is familiar to your 
Society, and I might be trenching on the ground of other 
speakers. But the persistent effect of this long warfare 
was two-fold. It kept back the tide of colonization, which, 
after 1760, ran so speedily over the wooded hills and grassy 
valleys of our State; and turned it aside to other parts of 


New England, less exposed to raids by the savage warriors. 
Hence our population was kept small; but hence, also, it 
was a people trained to arms and to guerilla warfare, as few 
of the American colonists were, except those who after- 
wards fought the Indians in Kentucky and Tennessee. 
For sixty years, from 1689 to 1759, the young men of New 
Hampshire were forced to be fighters, by land or sea, 
against the Indians and the French; and this experience 
gave them that fitness for the long military service cf the 
Revolution, in which they bore so conspicuous a part. I 
have dwelt upon this in my History of New Hampshire, 
and have said there, what I have long felt, that this outside 
pressure from the Indians, and the less warlike, but equally 
offensive, pressure from English landlords and Massachu- 
setts monopolizers of political power, consolidated our 
forefathers into a compact force, difficult to overcome, and 
gave its peculiar character to them as a Province and a 
Stat j. 

Incidentally I may remark that this evil business of 
stirring up a savage race to take part in a war between 
nations calling themselves civilized is by no means peculiar 
to the French, though used by the French clergy in a way 
that heightened the natural animosity between Catholics 
and Protestants in New England and New York. When 
the Revolution came on, British emissaries stirred up the 
Cherokees and other Southern Indians to fight against the 
patriots, and Burgoyne and the Tories led large bodies of 
Indians to commit atrocities in various parts of the North. 
After the peace of 1783, the same artifices were employed 
by British officers at the West, and the War of 181 2 gave 
examples of English alliance with savages. In India Eng- 
land has used one set of natives in war against others; the 
Sultan constantly uses the barbarous Kurds and other 
irregulars against his Christian subjects or adversaries; 
and the Tsar utilizes the half-savage Cossacks in the same 
way. Our needless and fruitless Philippine War showed 
our Republic utilizing the same bad instruments, — partic- 


ularly in the disgraceful treachery which made Aguinaldo 
-so long a captive in Manila. The pending treaties of arbi- 
tration, or other international means of mitigating the 
horrors of war, ought to provide that no Christian nation 
shall ever resort to what Chatham denounced so vehe- 
mently, — "The means which God and Nature placed in 
your hands." 

Indeed, savage warfare has little or no mitigations. 
Our red Indians, on more than one occasion, not only tor- 
tured and burned their foes but actually cooked and ate 
them. That industrious and entertaining author, St. John 
de Crevecosur, who called himself the "American Farmer," 
though a Frenchman from Normandy, and wrote the best 
accounts of Colonial life from 1760 to the close of our 
Revolution, is a witness on this subject. He was an officer 
under Montcalm in the campaigns of 1757-58 around Lake 
George, and was present at the Indian massacre after the 
surrender of Fort William Henry. He says in his MS. 
account of that affair, of which he afterwards printed a 
part in French, that he saw the Indians put into their 
kettles portions of our soldiers whom they had killed; and 
he relates a conversation with an Indian chief, in which the 
latter defends the practice of such cannibals. It was this 
accomplished and amiable Frenchman who furnished Ver- 
mont with its melodious name and its escutcheon. St. 
John had himself been adopted into an Indian tribe, and in 
his correspondence with Lis son Alexander, during the 
dangerous days of the French Revolution, while he and 
his family were in France or Germany, after finally leaving 
America, St. John gave to himself and to them Indian 
names, in order to disguise their identity, should his letters 
be opened by the secret police. Like our New Hampshire 
map-maker, Dr. Langdon of Portsmouth, a copy of whose 
original map of New Hampshire and Vermont, with parts 
of Canada, I lay before you tonight, — Crevecoeur had made 
a map of about the same date (1756-57), which, like this 
one, has never been engraved, but exists in the French war 


office at Paris, just as he sent it over from Canada. He 
was a dozen years younger than Dr. Langdon, and outlived 
him by a few more years than that. 

I do not wish to be understood as taking the side of 
the savage in these Indian wars of New Hampshire, 
Whether it would be possible now to get along with a forest- 
ranging set of tribes, ever at war with one another, without 
the sort of warfare which our forefathers waged, I should 
not wish to assert. But at that time, with liquors so uni- 
versally used and sold, and with the thirst of this race for 
that stimulant, it was not, humanly speaking, possible to 
avoid savage warfare. To whichever side the first blame 
fell, it presently involved both, and the only alternative to 
the extirpation of the Protestant colonists was the exter- 
mination,— that is, the removal, of the New Hampshire 
Indians. They gradually removed themselves to Canada, 
New York and Maine; then came in Dr. Wheelock with 
his Connecticut charity school for Indian youths, which 
was the nest-egg of Dartmouth College; but which Dr. 
Wheelock himself, in the Revolution, was anxious to trans- 
fer to Sir William Johnson's rich manor in the Mohawk 
Valley. It failed, in New Hampshire, to attract any large 
number of educable Indians; and as a college for our 
own race has been far more widely useful. The present 
facilities in the South and West for training Indian boys 
and girls are doing a good work, but we have reason to be 
satisfied with the virtual absence of these picturesque but 
ungovernable heritors, who have left to our mixture of 
European races the lakes, forests and rivers of the Granite 




™ S c 

« C B 




; scE 

C O 

By John C. French 

The following valuable sketch of the McClarys of Epsom was written 
for the Suncook Valley Times, and published in a series of articles in 
that paper. As these are not to be obtained now, it is believed its publi- 
cation in more permanent form will be gladly received by those interested 
in the subject. — Editor. 

/^^HE old town of Epsom has furnished many worthy 
' V J . men, who have held prominent positions of trust 
"* and honor in the state and nation; but none stand 
out in so bold relief, or are more worthy of remembrance 
than the McClarys. In fact, no family in the Suncook 
Valley fills so large a place in its history or in the hearts of 
the people. For nearly a century, the McClarys were the 
leading, influential men in our civil, political and military 
affairs, and were identified with all the important events 
and measures that received the attention and governed the 
acts of the successive generations during that long period 
of time. There is something mournful in the thought, 
however, that a family and name, once so familiar in our 
midst, is but a record of the past, and that no lineal male 
descendant is living to inherit the honors so dearly won by 
a noble ancestry, or to transmit the name to a grateful pos- 
terity. And it is strange that so little has been written or 
preserved concerning their noble deeds and many years' 
service in public life, and that no testimonials are in exist- 
ence, except public records, to aid in preserving their 

memories * 1163323 

*A bronze memorial tablet in honor of Major Andrew McClary was 
unveiled at Epsom, August 25, 1905, with appropriate exercises. The 
tablet, which has been secured through the efforts of the Epsom Histor- 
ical Club, is attached to a granite pillar, weighing 5,200 pounds, erected 
on the site of the old block house erected for the protection of the early 
inhabitants, and near the old training field in which Andrew McClary was 
plowing when a messenger brought the news of the Battle of Lexington. — 



We know of no instance in our State, where history 
has so sadly negleced to do justice to a family which has 
rendered so efficient service in defending the rights, and 
promoting the interests of our commonwealth and nation, 
as in this instance. The only official effort made to per- 
petuate the name, as of national interest, has been to 
honor one of the fortifications of Portsmouth harbor with 
the name Fort McClary, and a privateer, which had but a 
short existence. The name of only one, Major Andrew 
McClary, appears in our printed histories, while several 
others of the family are equally deserving of mention. 

The early proprietors and settlers of Epsom were of 
good English stock, though there was a small company of 
Scotch-Irish from Londonderry who bought land here 
about 1738. Among the number were the McClarys, Mc- 
Coys, McGaffeys, Dickeys, Wallaces, Knoxes, etc. These 
Scotch-Irish were a peculiar race, not liked by the English. 
They were of pure Scotch descent, with the broad dialect, 
and many of the customs peculiar to their ancestry. They 
resided for a long time in the north of Ireland, where they 
suffered a series of oppressions and persecutions which 
which would have disheartened and subdued ordinary men. 
The famous seige of Derry is fresh in the mind of every 
student of history, where, for eight long months, these 
Scotch-Irish defended their city against the assaults of a 
powerful Irish army. History furnishes no parallel to the 
bravery, suffering, valor and endurance displayed in that 
memorable seige. They fought for their homes and the 
Protestant religion with want, famine and destruction star- 
ing them in the face. Horses, dogs, cats, rats and mice 
were choice morsels of food, before they received succor 
from England and drove back the beseigers. But in after 
years, with rents, taxes, and the annoyances of Catholo- 
cism, many were induced to emigrate to the cheap, fertile 
soils of America, and a few families founded a settlement 
in Londonderry in 1719, under the ministry of Rev. James 
McGregor. The history of this settlement is the most 


important and entertaining in the unwritten history of 
New Hampshire. Among the descendants of this people, 
now numbering over sixty thousand, have been found many 
of the ablest men of the nation in all the walks of life. 
The Bells, Starks,* Thorntons, McKeens, McNeils, Reeds, 
McClarys were of this stock, besides many others who 
have done much to give character, wealth and reputation 
to the state and make New Hampshire what she is. 

This colony first introduced the culture of the potato 
and flax, also the spinning and weaving of linen. They 
were high-spirited, outspoken, industrious, hardy, jovial 
and immovably attached to the principles of the Protestant 
religion. Among the number who felt the wrongs and 
oppressions, and sought asylum for himself and children in 
the wilderness of New England, was Andrew McClary. 
He soon died,t but two of his sons, Andrew and John, 
grew to manhood and settled in Epsom, where they carved 
for themselves a farm and fortune. By the records we find 
that Andrew McClaryl held town office in 1739, and for 
eighty-three successive years some members of the family 
were promoted to positions of trust and power by their 
townsmen. Epsom at that time was a frontier town, with 
a few scattering pioneers, striving to find a "local habita- 
tion and a name" in the unbroken forests. 

Theodore Atkinson was a leading spirit among the 
proprietors in encouraging a few families to push a settle- 
ment so far into the woods. None of the adjoining towns 
were settled till many years afterwards. This was nearly 

*This is in part an error. The Starks were not of Scotch ancestry, 
though the wife of Archibald Stark was a Scotch woman. The paternal 
ancestors were from Hesse, Germany.— Editor. 

tHe seemed to have settled in Nottingham at an early date (1727), 
as he was chosen selectman March 26, 1733. He removed to Epsom in 
1738, with his sons John and Andrew. — Editor. 

^Evidently an error, and it was Andrew McClary, Sr., who first held 
office in Epsom. — Editor. 


thirty years before Chichester, Pittsfield or Barnstead was 
settled; twenty years before Concord received its present 
name; over twenty years before Northwood and Deerfield 
were incorporated, and thirty-six years before the Revo- 
lution. The first settlement of the Suncook Valley was 
here, and not a tree was cut between this and Canada, and 
not a clearing or friendly smoke or any signs of civilization 
to break the monotony of the unbounded forest and to 
cheer the loneliness of the early settlers. 

The sentiment that prompted the line, "Oh! for a 
lodge in some vast wilderness," could have here been grat- 
ified. Meagre, indeed,, are the records and traditions con- 
cerning these hardy foresters during their many years of 
border life before the Revolution. Nottingham fort* was 
the nearest neighbors and the asylum for safety. The 
Indians frequented the valley, and bears, wildcats, deer 
and catamounts prowled through the forests undisturbed. 
The proprietors finally built a block house or garrison for 
refuge, in case of danger, near Andrew McClary's, and the 
old foundation was disturbed recently by building the 
house of Augustus Lord. Mrs. McCoy and family were 
hastening to it when captured by the Indians in 1747. 

Andrew and John McClary were the leading influen- 
tial men in all town or military affairs. Leaving John, 
who, for half a century, was a prominent man in public 
life, for future sketches, we will endeavor to relate some 
incidents in the life of his more romantic and adventurous 
brother, Major Andrew McClary. 

In these "piping times of peace," ease and prosperity, 
we can faintly realize the times, manners, customs, hard- 
ship, dangers, privations and the rough life led by these 
wild woodsmen of a hundred and fifty years ago. Clear- 
ing, burning, hunting, scouting and prospecting required 
strength, bravery and endurance, while the rough sports, 

*This garrison house stood on what is now known as "the main" road 
in Deerfield, about one-half mile below the Parade. — Editor. 



wrestling, boxing, etc., especially of the Scotch-Irish, 
tested the strength and agility of the participants. Only 
the men who excelled in these tests of strength and skill 
were the popular leaders of the day. In all such labors 
and pastimes Andrew McClary was the acknowleged cham- 
pion. He stood over six feet in height, straight as an 
arrow, finely proportioned, symmetrical of form,, muscles 
well developed, rough and ready, jovial, generous, with a 
stentorian voice, blue eyes, florid complexion and such an 
one as would be picked from a thousand as evidently "bora 
to command." He possessed all the qualifications of a 
successful and popular border leader. It is said that in a 
barroom scuffle at Portsmouth, one night, six men 
attempted to put him out of the room, when he turned 
upon them with his herculean strength and threw them 
all out of the window. 

During the French and Indian War Epsom was one 
of the frontier towns. The people lived in fear of the 
scalping knife and tomahawk, and suffered by the incur- 
sions of the prowling savages. Garrisons were established 
at Epsom, Buckstreet, Pembroke and a fort at Canterbury. 
Government frequently sent small detachments of troops 
up through this section scouting for the enemy and to pro- 
tect and encourage the settlers. Captain Andrew McClary 
was the leading man in this region in all military matters 
and rendered the colony efficient service during the peril- 
ous times. He had the personal acquaintance of the high- 
est officials of the colony, and such noted fighters and 
rangers as Stark, Goffe, Rogers, and others. His name 
frequently appears on the State records. In 1755 he 
applied to Governor Wentworth and obtained a company 
of troops to go in search of the Indians that committed 
the massacre and captured the McCall family at Salisbury. 
At another time he obtained a small company to aid in 
doing garrison duty at Epsom, while the Indians were seen 
lurking about. As an officer he was ever ready for any 
exposure or danger, while his men had the most implicit 



confidence in his ability and integrity. His command was 
authoritative and no man refused obedience. In case of 
an emergency, he could swear enough for a battalion; 
enough to frighten the the Penacooks out of the Suncook 
Valley, and cause the old Scotch Coventers, to hold up 
their hands in holy horror. He built a one-story frame 
house and kept tavern on the height of land on the road 
leading from Epsom Village to Pleasant Pond. The place 
is now owned by Joseph Lawrence, better known as Law- 
rence "muster field." 

His home was the common resort of the settlers, pro- 
prietors and scouts, and all who had occasion to travel in 
this direction. Town meetings were held here until the 
new meeting house was built. Jurors were drawn here for 
His Majesty's Courts training of His Majesty's soldiers, 
and many rude frolics and exciting incidents, which have 
long passed into oblivion never to be recalled, were enacted 
here. His wealth increased, as well as his popularity. . He 
owned all the land on the north side of the Deerfield line. 
He had the advantage of a fair English education. He 
served as Town Clerk and his records on the town books 
indicate a thorough knowledge of business, a good use of 
language, and a style and beauty of penmanship seldom 
found at the present day. His last writing on the books, 
the year before he was killed, evinced care, accuracy and 
precision. He took a lively interest in the affairs of the 
colonies and early espoused the cause of the people against 
tho arbitrary encroachments of the mother country before 
the commencement of the Revolutionary War. His ances- 
try, education and experience would naturally lead him to 
take sides with the people in defending their liberties, 
when assailed by British oppression. Frequent meetings 
were held at his house and measures taken to co-operate 
with adjoining towns for mutual rights and protection. 
For fifteen years the white-winged angel of peace had 
hovered over the State, — the most prosperous period in 
her history. 


The desire to possess real estate, so strong in the 
Anglo-Saxon mind, the huge growth of trees, the fertile 
soil in the Suncook Valley, attracted the attention of the 
emigrant and secured the rapid settlement of Gilmanton, 
Pittsfield Chichester, Loudon, Northwood and Deerfield, 
with Epsom as a common center. 

The "Seven Years' War," that closed in 1760, had com- 
pletely aroused the military spirit of the province, and 
organizations with experienced officers had been main- 
tained up to the time of the Revolution. A new regiment 
was then formed, the 12th, comprising men from the 
towns of Nottingham, Deerfield, Epsom, Northwood, Chi- 
chester and Pittsfield. "Coming events cast their shadows 
before." The people were expecting a serious conflict. 

The location of McClary's tavern made it a common 
resort for the rustic foresters to meet and talk of the diffi- 
culties, while the popularity and ability of the jovial land- 
lord rendered him the political and military oracle of the 
Suncook Valley. 

The battle' of Lexington, on the 19th of April, 1775, 
sounded the tocsin to arms. Signals flamed from the hill- 
tops and fleet messengers transmitted news from town to 
town. A swift rider blowing a horn passed through Not- 
tingham and reached Epsom on the morning of the 20th. 
The alarm found Captain McClary plowing in the old 
"Muster field." Like Cincinnatus of old, he left the plow 
in the furrow, and hastened to obey the summons. With 
little preparation he seized his saddle-bags, leaped into the 
saddle, swearing as he left that he would kill one of the 
devils before he came home. Jockey Fogg, who was his 
servant in the army, used to speak of his horse as a large, 
powerful, iron-grey, four-year-old stallion, so exceedingly 
vicious that no one could mount or govern him except the 
captain. He could spring upon his back and, by the power 
of his arm, govern him with the greatest ease. 

The sturdy yeomanry of the Suncook Valley snatched 
their trusty firelocks and powder horns and started for the 


scene of hostilities, with spirits as brave as ever animated 
a soldier and with hearts as noble and honest as ever 
throbbed in the cause of liberty and freedom. They were 
governed by one common impulse and came from blazed 
paths and crooked roads that wound through the forests 
and thickets. They were all known to each other as 
brothers and townsmen. Each soldier represented a house- 
hold and they and their cause were commended to the pro- 
tection of Heaven at the morning and evening devotions 
and in the services of the Sabbath. Donations of food 
and clothing were freely sent them by the families at home. 
The men from this section reached Nottingham Square at 
one o'clock in the early afternoon, where they found Cap- 
tain Cilley and Dr. Dearborn with a company of about 
sixty, making with themselves about eighty men. Who 
would not have liked to have seen those men, some with 
broad-tailed black coats, worsted stockings, three-cornered 
hats, others in coarse homespun; all with long stockings, 
knee and shoe buckles and thick cowhide shoes? Their 
guns and equipments were as various as their costumes. 
Some had the old "Queen Anne," that had done service in 
the French War; some long fowling pieces; others a fusee; 
only one had a bayonet. Powder horn and shot pouch took 
the place of cartridge box. If we were to choose a subject 
for an historical painting, we would prefer the scene on 
Nottingham Square, April 29th, where were paraded the 
noblest band of patriots that ever left New Hampshire to 
vindicate her honor and protect her liberties. We would 
like to hear the roll-call and see a photograph of these 
heroes. Without the spirit of boasting, we doubt if ever 
one company in the country furnished so large a proportion 
of distinguished men or that cost "John Bull" so many 
lives or so much money. Many of their names are historic 
and come down to us in official records, filling a large space 
in our military history. Just reflect who composed this 
Spartan band, who not only astonished the nation with 
their famous deeds and heroism at the battle of Bunker 


Hill, but consider their position and power in after years. 
There was Captain McClary, the oldest and noblest Roman 
of them all, whose sad fall is familiar to every school boy; 
Captain Joseph Cilley of Nottingham, aged 32, soon to be 
promoted Major, Colonel and General, serving through the 
war with distinction, and in 1786 appointed Major-General 
of the New Hampshire Militia; Dr. Henry Dearborn, but 
24, to be Captain, then Major and Colonel, then member of 
Congress, United States Marshal, Secretary of War under 
Jefferson, Foreign Minister and Commander-in-Chief of the 
United States Army in the War of 18 12; Thomas Bartlett, 
afterwards Captain, Member of the Committee of Safety, 
then Colonel in the army, and in 1792 Brigadier-General of 
the Militia; Henry Butler, but 21, afterwards Captain 
under Colonel Bartlett and Major-General of the New 
Hampshire Militia; Amos Merrill, first selectman of Epsom, 
Lieutenant, then Captain and Major, serving in the army 
four years, with honor to himself and town; the young and 
chivalrous Michael McClary, who served with credit four 
years in the Revolution, then represented the military 
spirit of the State for nearly half a century, and as Adju- 
tant-General called out the Northern troops in 1812; 
Andrew McGaffney, another worthy officer from Epsom; 
also James Gray and Nathan Sanborn, both gaining the 
position of Captain in the army, and Joseph Hilton of 

Captain Andrew McClary was by common consent 
the leading spirit of this noble band of patriots, though 
there had been no previous organization. There is much 
to be written concerning the achievements and adventures 
of this distinguished company and many of the able men 
composing it, but the most remarkable and thriling inci- 
dent in this connection was their famous march to Cam- 
bridge. There is not a parallel in the annals of all the 
wars in our country and such wonderful power of endur- 
ance by a whole company of men excites our surprise as 
their patriotism does our pride and admiration, Dr. Dear- 


born gives an account of it and Bancroft a passing notice, 
and tradition relates it from generation to generation, but 
it should be familiar to every son and daughter of New 
Hampshire as one of the brightest testimonials of our 
devotion to the cause of freedom and independence. 
Accustomed as they were to life in the open air and trials 
of strength by long journeys, hunting, tramping and 
scouting, they knew little of fear and fatigue. Leaving 
Nottingham Square at one o'clock in the afternoon, they 
pushed on at a rapid pace, as if the destiny of the province 
or hopes of the nation depended upon their alacrity and 
speed. At Kingston they took a "double quick" or "dog 
trot," and followed it up without a halt to Haverhill, cross- 
ing the Merrimack River in a ferry boat at sunset, having 
made twenty-seven miles in six hours. They halted at 
Andover for supper, and then started for a night march 
and on the morning of the 21st, at sunrise, they were 
paraded on Cambridge Common "spilin" for a fight. 
Those from Epsom traveled seventy miles in less than 
twenty-four hours and the whole company from Nottingham 
fifty-seven miles in less than twenty hours. Did bone and 
muscle ever do better? That was the spirit of '76; that 
was the kind of stuff the men were made of who lived in 
the Suncook Valley at this time. 

The part which the soldiers of the Suncook Valley 
and adjoining towns took in this memorable fight has 
never yet been written, and we propose now to give it in 
full. For personal courage and firmness the battle of 
Bunker Hill stands among the first in the brilliant events 
of the war. When we inquire who were the men that 
gained the highest prize of glory in this great contest 
which ushered in our nation's birth, we can with honest 
pride claim for the men of the Suncook Valley a rich share 
of the praise and honor bestowed upon the soldiers of this 
memorable battle. The company from this section was not 
only composed of men whu afterwards became distinguished 
in the Revolution, and at the outset made the best march 


<ever recorded in our military history, but it was one of the 
largest and best companies on the field and held a post of 
honor in the engagement. The American army, composed 
of rustic heroes who had left their implements of husbandry 
in the field and seized their firearms and powder horns and 
flocked to the scene of action, holding the British cooped 
up in the narrow limits of Boston, was without proper 
organization, equipment, ammunition and supplies; in fact, 
they had nothing but pluck, a righteous cause and a love of 
liberty to sustain their hopes. They were commanded by 
General Artemas Ward, an old, incompetent army officer. 
The New Hampshire troops who, as the news of the 
slaughter of Lexington and Concord spread like wildfire 
over the land had rushed to the place of rendezvous, 
organized into two regiments and lay entrenched at Med- 
ford. John Stark, by unanimous voice, was chosen to com- 
mand the first under the rank of Colonel, with Andrew 
McClary as Major. The company composed of soldiers 
from Pittsfield, Chichester, Epsom, Deerfield and Notting- 
ham was commanded by Henry Dearborn of Nottingham, 
Captain, Amos Morrill of Epsom Lieutenant, and Michael 
McClary of Epsom, Ensign. The British having become 
impatient of restraint determined to take the offensive. 
The first design in their plan was to move on the 18th of 
June and take possession of Bunker Hill which com- 
manded the City of Boston and would enable them to 
annoy the American lines. Fortunately this design 
became known to General Ward and he was urged to antici- 
pate the movement and frustrate the plan. He accord- 
ingly ordered a detachment of about a thousand men to 
march stealthily during the night of the 16th and entrench 
themselves on the commanding eminence. At sunset the 
men were paraded on Cambridge Common and stood rever- 
ently with uncovered heads while President Langdon of 
Harvard College offered a fervent prayer and commended 
them and their cause to the protection of Heaven. Then 
they took up their silent march, passing the narrow neck 


of land that connects Charlestown with the main land, and 
reached the summit of the hill without being discovered 
by the enemy. The bells in Boston tolled the hour of 
midnight before a sod was turned. In three short hours 
the shadowy folds of night would lift and expose this bold 
advance and this brave band to the view and fire of the 
enemy, who lay in the harbor. The British ships "Lively,"" 
"Falcon" and "Somerset" lay in the stream between 
Charlestown and Bos-ton and from the decks of these 
the drowsy cry of the sentinel, "All's well," could be dis- 
tinctly heard by those who patroled the shore. The Amer- 
icans applied the pick and spade with vigor and threw up 
a square redoubt, near the middle of which the monument 
now stands. At daylight the enemy, discovering this dar- 
ing band of patriots entrenched almost over their heads, 
immediately opened a brisk cannonade upon their works; 
but, regardless of the flying missiles, the Americans toiled 
on until their work was completed, with a loss of but one 
man. This bold stand caused an instant commotion 
among the startled British, who immediately landed their 
forces and attacked the entrenchment to dislodge our men 
from their position. All was soon commotion along the 
American lines. General Stark and Major McClary came 
down to Charlestown in the morning to reconnoitre the 
field and made many valuable suggestions in the prepara- 
tion for the conflict which it was evident was about to 
open. The movement of the British indicated a formid- 
able attack, and orders were issued for re-enforcements to 
be forwarded to the redoubt. But such was the want of 
discipline and the conflict of authority that few reached 
the scene of action 

The battle of Bunker Hill was a series of blunders 
and unequalled heroism. It was fought without a com- 
mander, each regiment acting and fighting on its own 
hook. Two of the regiments that had been ordered to the 
redoubt halted at the neck, which was swept with a con- 
tinual discharge of chain and solid shot from the ships of 


war. It was at this juncture that the New Hampshire 
troops under Colonel Stark came up, hurrying forward to 
the aid of their comrades in the redoubt Each of the sol- 
diers had received a gill of powder, fifteen balls and a spare 
flint. There were scarcely two muskets alike in the regi- 
ment, and the men were compelled to reduce the size of 
the balls to suit the calibre of their respective guns. They 
had received orders to be in readiness to march about ten 
o'clock, and reached Charlestown Neck about one. 

It was one of the hottest days of the season and the 
men suffered severely from heat and thirst, yet every man 
was ready for a tilt with the British regulars. Finding the 
way blocked up with the halted regiments, Major McClary 
went forward and with his stentorian voice and command- 
ing appearance called out to the commanders of these regi- 
ments to move on or open to the right and left and let the 
New Hampshire boys pass. This was immediately done; 
the regiments opened and they marched forward. The fire 
across the neck from the British frigates was so galling 
that Captain Dearborn, whose company was in front, as he 
marched by the side of Stark, suggested to him that they 
take a quicker step, but the grim old veteran sternly 
replied, "Dearborn, one fresh man is worth ten fatigued 
ones," and strode on as coolly as though on parade, and not 
a man of his command flinched or deserted his post. 

They reached the hill about two o'clock. £tark halted 
below the redoubt and harangued his men in a few short, 
characteristic sentences which were answered by three 
hearty cheers from his men. When he arrived he found 
the redoubt exposed to a flank movement from the enemy 
and, selecting his position with the practised eye of an old 
soldier, he led his regiment to the left of the hill and 
posted them near a rail fence, cast off of the redoubt 
which run down to the Mystic. This was then a hay field, 
the grass having been cut the day before. The men seized 
the hay cocks and crowded the hay between the rails of 
the fence, giving it the appearance to the enemy of a 


breastwork, though it afforded no real protection. Captain 
Dearborn's company was posted on the right of the line, 
which gave them a fine view of the action, and his written 
account of the battle throws much light upon the part 
borne by Major McClary and his men. 

The British had then landed in large forces and were 
forming for the attack near the water's edge. While this 
was going on Colonel Stark stepped out and, deliberately 
measuring off forty paces, stuck down a stick. "There," 
said he, as he returned to the line, "don't a man fire until 
the Redcoats come to that stick; if he does, I will knock 
him down." 

The British regulars, in their gay scarlet uniforms, 
presented a formidable and beautiful appearance as they 
marched and counter-marched in preparation for the attack. 
They at length moved forward with the order and precis- 
ion of a dress parade. The column that was to make the 
attack upon the rail fence was commanded by General 
Howe in person, and was composed of the Welsh Fusileers, 
the veteran regiment and the flower of the British army. 
On they came, as if flushed with the prestige of one hun- 
dred victories. When within one hundred yards of the 
rail fence, they deployed into line and opened a regular 
fire by platoon as they advanced. 

Along the whole line of the rail fence lay the New 
Hampshireboys, peeping through the hay, their guns resting 
on the rails, every man a dead shot and knowing his trusty 
firelock was good for a Redcoat, but intent on reserving his 
fire until they reached the stake; but John Simpson, better 
known as Ensign Simpson of Deerfield, being too much 
excited to wait, let drive, and this was a signal for a mur- 
derous fire along the whole line, so severe that the bold 
Britishers were driven back in confusion and disorder. 
Simpson, being reprimanded by Stark for firing against 

his orders, drawled out, "How in could I help it when 

I see them Redcoats within gunshot?" 


The fate of the British in front of the redoubt was 
equally disastrous, and their whole line was thrown into 
coufusion and compelled to retire before the well-directed 
fire of the despised Continentals. They were, however, 
rallied by their officers, and being re-enforced again moved 
up the hill on the redoubt and upon the rail fence below in 
the same perfect order as before. "Don't waste the pow- 
der," "Pick off the officers," "Look out for the handsome 
coats," Take good aim," and similar remarks were passed 
from mouth to mouth in Captain Dearborn's company. 
Don't fire until they pass the stick and I say the word," 
said Stark. "Fire low and aim at their waistbands," rang 
the clear voice of Major McClary as he moved along the 
line, encouraging the men by word and example. 

On came the British, making the same imposing display 
as before, stepping over their fallen comrades and firing as 
they advanced. 

An ominous silence held possession of the American 
lines, not a shot was fired from the rail fence until the 
enemy reached the stick, when, "Fire!" yelled Stark, 
and, "Fire!" thundered McClary, and never did a volley 
of musketry do more fatal execution. 

Almost the entire front rank of the Welsh Fusileers 
went down. No troops could stand the fire which blazed 
from that rail fence, pouring into their bosoms a storm of 
lead which swept them down like the mown grass. The 
officers were nearly all picked off. General Howe's aids 
were all shot but one. Howe himself made the most vigor- 
ous efforts to urge on his men. His long white silk stock- 
ings were smeared with blood that fell like rain upon the 
tall grass. British honor and British valor were at stake 
and cost what it might he was determined to urge them on 
to victory. There was but one mounted officers upon the 
field during the engagment and as he rode forward to aid 
in steadying the wavering columns and urge them to 
advance, Captain Dearborn's men caught sight of him and 
the captain writes that he heard them say: 


"There is an officer on horseback, let's have him." 
"Now, hold on, wait until he gets to the knoll; now!" 
They fired and Major Pitcairn of Lexington fame fell dead 
at the hands of Captain Dearborn's men. Meanwhile the 
whole regiment with the rapidity which men practiced in 
the use of the gun alone can exhibit loaded and fired, keep- 
ing up a continued stream of fire until the Redcoats despite 
the efforts of their officers broke and ran, leaving the 
ground strewn with the dead and dying. 

The Americans, jubilant at their success and carried 
away with the tempest of excitement leaped the rail fence 
and chased the fleeing regulars until restrained by their 
officers and brought back to their post. Their joy and 
exultation knew no bounds; they had won a victory and 
driven the proud, defiant army of old King George. They 
threw up their hands and made the welkin ring with shouts 
of triumph, though their tongues were parched with thirst 
and heat. They thought the day was won. 

Twice scattered before their scathing, well-directed 
fire, they had no thought the enemy would rally again, but 
Clinton who had viewed the struggle from Copp's Hill in 
Boston now hurried over to the scene of action. It would 
never do to have it go out to the world that two thousand 
well-armed British troops had been routed beyond rallying 
before a little band of half-armed Continentals. Being 
re-enforced the troops were again formed into line and 
marched to the assault, but the Americans had already 
exhausted their ammunition, and without bayonets they 
could offer but feeble resistance to furious bayonet charges 
from the enemy. Those in the redoubt were compelled 
to beat a hasty retreat. 

The New Hampshire troops retired in excellent order 
and covered the retreat of the army. They were the last 
to leave the field and Major McClary was in the rear main- 
taining order and discipline. During the engagement Cap- 
tain Dearborn lost but one man killed and five wounded, 
while the slaughter on the British side had been terrible. 


Of the regiment of the Welsh Fusileers, but eighty men 
escaped unharmed. 

As the Americans retreated across the neck, Major 
McClary was remarkably animated with the result of the 
contest; that it was a conflict with the glorious display of 
valor which had distinguished his countrymen, made him 
sanguine of the result. Having passed the last place of 
danger he went back to see if the British were disposed to 
follow them across the neck, thus exposing himself to dan- 
ger anew. His son cautioned him against his rashness. 
"The ball is not yet cast that will kill me," said he, when a 
random shot from one of the frigates struck a button-wood 
tree and, glancing, passed through his abdomen. Throw- 
ing his hands above his head, he leaped several feet from 
the ground and fell forward upon his face, dead. 

Thus fell Major Andrew McClary, the highest Amer- 
ican officer killed in the battle, the handsomest man in 
the army and the favorite of the New Hampshire troops. 
His dust still slumbers where it was laid by his sorrowing 
comrades in Medford, unhonored by any adequate memo- 
rial to tell where lies one of the heroes who ushered in the 
Revolution with such auspicious omens. 

Major McClary had a splendid physique and soldierly 
appearance. With all the bravery of Stark, he possessed 
greater mental endowments and culture. With the natural 
ability of Sullivan, he possessed the magic power to incite 
his men to nobler deeds. With the popularity of Poor, he 
was more cool and discreet; in fact, he combined more 
completely than either the elements that tend to make a 
popular and successful commander, and had his life been 
spared he would doubtless have ranked among the most 
able and noted officers of the Revolution. 

He married, in early life, Elisabeth McCrillis, a strong- 
minded, resolute, Scotch-Irish girl, who proved a valuable 
helpmeet and capable mother to his seven children. After 
her husband's death she kept the tavern and store alone, 
assisted at first by her husband's partner in business, John 


Casey, and afterwards by her eldest son, James Harvey. 
Rumor says she was once published to be married to the 
above-named John Casey, but the match was prevented by 
the interference of a younger rival and the advice of 
friends. After nineteen years of widowhood and the chil- 
dren had grown up, she married Colonel Samuel Osgood in 
1794. She died in 1800, aged 67. 

The oldest son, James Harvey, was born in 1762, and 
as he grew to manhood continued the business of his 
father, and rendered valuable service to the family. He 
prosecuted an extensive business for those times, having 
two stores and a potash factory, besides the farm and 
tavern. He was highly respected, exemplary in his habits, 
early promoted to offices of public trust and honor, which 
he held for a series of years. He was one of the leading 
spirits in the organization of the Eighteenth Regiment and 
one of its first commanders, afterwards promoted to a 
Brigadier-General of the Militia. He married Betsey Dear- 
born, of Northampton, in 1789, by whom he had six 

The second son, Andrew, born in 1765, was smart and 
active. He received a good education, but had a wild, rov- 
ing inclination. He entered the regular army, was soon 
promoted to the rank of Captain, served for a time on the 
frontier and for several years was clerk in the War Depart- 
ment at Washington, where he died in middle life. 

The third son, John, a man of fine ability and credit, 
followed his brother into the regular army and also rose to 
the rank of Captain, served on the frontier and died at 
Fort Gibson. He married Abigail Pearson of Epsom, in 
1791. They had one son, Charles, who went to Stanstead, 

The fourth son, William, was a blacksmith by trade. 
He married Isabel Dickey, in 1795, and in company with 
other young men from Epsom first settled Stanstead, 


There were also three daughters. Elisabeth married 
Captain Simon Heath, well known in Epsom and vicinity. 
Margaret married Rev. Mr. Haseltine, who was pastor of 
the Congregational church in Epsom thirty years. Nancy, 
the youngest daughter, married John Stevens. 

No family record or papers have been found to aid in 
this humble sketch, but we have given many official and 
well-authenticated facts, which are rescued from oblivion 
and may be interesting to some, and may aid the future 
historian in giving this family more extended mention than 
they have yet received in our written histories. In this 
connection we earnestly desire to call attention to one 
great duty yet to be rendered to Major Andrew McClary, 
The family, town or state have shown little patriotism, 
gratitude or affection in neglecting to erect some monu- 
ment or stone to mark his burial place. He was buried 
near the encampment of the New Hampshire Brigade at 
Medford, near some two hundred soldiers who died of 
disease and wounds There are now living persons who 
have visited his grave and can point out the spot. A suit- 
able monument should be erected to mark the burial place 
of Major Andrew McClary, slain in the struggle for 

John McClary was born in Ireland, in 17 19, and emi- 
grated with his family to America when he was thirteen 
years of age. The family settled in Epsom in 1739. John 
became industrious, methodical, and exacting, a stern 
Presbyterian, rigid as the old Scotch Covenanters, very 
different from his jovial, rough, impulsive, convivial 
brother, Major Andrew. He had no advantages of school- 
ing, still he possessed a large share of common sense, a 
strong mind and good judgment. He early became one of 
the leading men of Epsom; was chosen moderator and for 
over forty years was one of the principal officers and 
advisers in town affairs. He was justice of the peace 
under the provincial government, and all cases of litigation 
in this vicinity came before 'Squire John McClary for trial. 


He was well versed in Indian affairs; was called out to do 
scouting duty in the French and Indian war; was a Cap- 
tain of the militia at that time, and rose to the rank of 
Colonel before the Revolution. Though closely connected 
with the Royal government; he took a decisive stand with 
the colonists to resist British oppression, and while his 
brother represented the military spirit of the valley, John 
represented the civil authority both under Monarchial and 
Republican rule. The towns of Epsom, Allenstown and 
Chichester (including Pittsfield) 1 were classed together, 
and Esquire John McClary was annually chosen to repre- 
sent them at the convention in Exeter. With such men 
as Colonel Joseph Badger of Gilmanton, Esquire John 
Cram of Pittsfield, and Hall Bergen of Allenstown as lead- 
ing spirits, the hardy settlers were true to the cause of 

Esquire John McClary was a prominent member of 
the first convention to organize a colonial government, and 
afterwards in framing our State government, and was an 
active member more than twenty years. He held the 
responsible office as one of the Committee of Safety from 
1777 to 1785. This committee had power to call out troops 
at such time and in such numbers as they deemed neces- 
sary and expedient. In 1780 he was elected to the coun- 
cil and annually for the four succeeding years. In 1784 he 
was chosen to the council and also to the senate and served 
as a member of that honorable body three years. He was 
tall, erect, commanding, dignified and made an excellent 
presiding officer. He married Elizabeth Harvey of Not- 
tingham. She was also born in Ireland and came to this 
country in the same ship with the McClarys. They had 
four children. The oldest son, John McClary, Jr., entered 
the army of the Revolution, and was killed at the battle of 
Saratoga in 1787, while serving as Lieutenant in General 
Whipple's Brigade (Adjutant-General's report says Lieu- 
tenant Michael, which is an error). The second son, 
Michael, will be the subject of another sketch. The third 


son, Andrew, was sent to Dummer Academy to be educated, 
and died there during the war, aged sixteen. He was 
buried at Medford, by the side of his uncle, Major Andrew 
McClary. They had but one daughter, Mollie, who mar- 
ried Daniel Page of Deerfield. Captain John McClary 
had three sisters who settled in Epsom, besides his parents 
and brother Andrew. The oldest, Margaret, married Dea- 
con Samuel Wallace. The second, Jane, married John 
McGaffy. The third, Ann, married Richard Tripp. After 
a long and useful life, he died, at the age of 84, in 1801. 

The McClarys owned a very large land estate, which 
was divided into several farms for their sons and daugh- 
ters. Esquire John built a one-story honse, on the south 
side of the road. This house was enlarged many times, 
and became a venerable looking mansion. It is now owned 
by Michael McClary Steele, of the fifth generation of Mc» 
Clarys, and great-grandson of Esquire John, This old 
mansion is a place of peculiar interest. For many years 
Esquire John received the friendly and official visits of the 
leading men of the Province. Here civil courts and mil- 
itary tribunals were held, and here for half a century fol- 
lowing, his son, General Michael, dispensed his hospitalities 
to his townsmen, and the distinguished men of the times. 
Among the number were such men as General Sullivan, 
Dearborn, Stark, Governor Langdon, Plummer, Smith, etc. 
The New Hampshire Branch of the Society of Cincinnati 
held three annual meetings at this house. 

Near by a huge liberty pole was erected in 1783 at the 
close of the Revolution, on the declaration of peace, when 
the scattered settlers of the Suncook Valley met to cele- 
brate the happy event. Good speeches, good cheer 
abounded, but the great occasion wound up in a glorious 
drunk. No house in this valley has so many rich histor- 
ical associations connected with it. The arrangement of 
the interior is reverently preserved, and as one passes 
through the spacious rooms, viewing the relics of the past, 
and reflects upon the number of honorable and distin- 


guished men who have met within its walls, reason seems 
to lose its bounds and one fancies he is wandering through 
some ancient baronial hall or old Scottish castle, built in 
the age of chivalry, rather than viewing a spacious farm- 
house in the dull, quiet old town of Epsom. 

General Michael McClary 

Michael, second son of Esquire John McClary, was 
born in Epsom in 1753. He received the advantages of a 
fair education, was a smart, active lad and, in common with 
other members of the family, had military tastes. At the 
age of twenty-three, he joined the army at the breaking 
out of the Revolutionary War, and was appointed Ensign 
in Captain Henry Dearborn's company in Stark's regi- 
ment. This company rendered heroic service at the battle 
of Bunker Hill. In 1777 he was promoted and made Cap- 
tain in Colonel Scammers regiment. He served four 
years in the army, taking part in some of the most decisive 
engagements of the war, and suffered with his men some 
of the severest privations and fatigues. 

His soldierly qualities, engaging manners and family 
connections gave him the acquaintance and friendship of 
the leading officers of the Revolution, and by a severe 
experience in the army he gained a thorough knowlege of 
men and national affairs, which proved of great practical 
advantage in after years. On returning from the army, he 
at once took a prominent position in social and political 
life, which he held for half a century. He took an active 
part in the organization of the State Government and, 
being well versed in military affairs and of good executive 
ability, he was appointed Adjutant-General for the State of 
New Hampshire. He organized that department and held 
the office twenty-one consecutive years. In 1796 he was 
elected Senator and was a member of that body seven 
years, and such was his popularity that the votes in Epsom 
were unanimous in his favor and nearly so in the adjoining 
towns. He was United States Marshal for a long time, 


which, during the last war with England, with the large 
amount of privateering prosecuted at Portsmouth, was a 
very responsible office. He was tendered the nomination 
of candidate for Governor, but declined to accept. Though 
well known throughout the State, with positions of honor 
and trust at his command, his popularity, power and influ- 
ence in his native town was remarkable. He seemed to 
control the affairs of Epsom with almost universal consent. 
For over fifty years he served his townsmen in some 
capacity, either as Moderator, Town Clerk, Representative 
or Auditor. 

Said an old Federalist, "If I had a family of children 
who would obey me as well as the people of Epsom do 
General McClary, I should be a happy man." Though 
once a Federalist, he cast his lot with the Democratic 
party and carried the town with him almost unanimously. 
During the last war with England, party feeling ran high 
and party lines were closely drawn. Governor Plummer, 
through Adjutant-General McClary, called out detach- 
ments of the militia without calling together the Council 
or Legislature, which provoked a great deal of controversy. 
General McClary procured supplies for the troops, made 
preparation for the defense of Portsmouth, purchased can- 
non and munitions of war. But in 1814, when the Feder- 
alists rallied and elected John T. Gilman as Governor, 
General McClary resigned his office with virtuous indigna- 
tion, which he had filled with credit and ability, and in 
which capacity he had reviewed every regiment in the 

The town of Epsom strongly supported the war. A 
full company, under Captain Jonathan Godfrey, volunteered 
for the defense of Portsmouth. 

Michael McClary also did much business as justice of 
the peace and probate judge. He took an active part in 
organizing the New Hampshire Branch of the Society of 
the Cincinnati. He was the first treasurer and held the 
office twenty-five years. This honorable body of Revolu- 


tionary officers met annually on the Fourth of July. Three 
of their annual meetings were held at the house of General 
MeClary. This society is worthy of more extended men- 
tion, and their annual meetings called together more 
noted men than ever assembled on any other occasion. He 
was also a Free Mason. While in the army young Me- 
Clary had met in secret conclave such men as Washington, 
Lafayette, Sullivan and other brothers of the mystic order 
and became an earnest worker in the craft. In connection 
with other ex-officers he was instrumental in organizing a 
lodge at Deerfield, and in honor of General Sullivan it was 
called Sullivan Lodge. He was the first Senior of this 
lodge, and afterwards Worshipful Master. In appearance 
General MeClary was tall, commanding, well proportioned 
and prepossessing. He made a fine appearance as a mili- 
tary officer, either on foot or in the saddle, which, with his 
position, means, and hospitality rendered him exceedingly 
popular. He was remarkably affable and engaging in his 
manners, interesting in conversation, graceful in his move- 
ments, convivial in his habits, generous and public-spirited, 
fond of power, and when opposed displayed some traits not 
recorded among the Christian graces. His acquaintance 
and correspondence was remarkably extensive, embracing 
many of the most distinguished men of the country. 

He married, in 1779, Sally Dearborn, an intelligent, 
interesting and accomplished lady, daughter of Dr. Dear- 
born of Northampton. They entertained company with 
style and grace, and around their festive board have been 
many happy meetings of the prominent men of the times. 
They had five children. The oldest son, John, born in 
1785, was of great personal beauty. He was early pro- 
moted to offices of trust, Representative, Senator and a 
clerkship at Washington. He was killed by a falling build- 
ing when but thirty-six years of age. The second son, 
Andrew, born in 1787, was wild and roving. He entered 
the army in the War of 18 12 and served as Captain. He 
married Mehitable Duncan of Concord, in 181 3, and had 



one daughter. Shortly after he sailed for Calcutta and was 
lost at sea. General Mc Clary also had three daughters. 
The oldest, Nancy Dearborn, born in 1789, married Samuel 
Lord of Portsmouth, whose ability and wealth is well 
known. One of his sons, Augustus, purchased a large part 
of the old McClary estate. The second daughter, Elis- 
abeth Harvey, married Jonathan Steele, a lawyer from 
Peterboro. The third daughter, Mary, born in 1794, mar- 
ried Robert Parker and lived in Fitzwilliam. 

General McClary and wife both lived to old age. He 
died in 1825, aged 72, and was buried with his ancestors in 
Epsom, where rests the dust of many heroic dead, whose 
lives and deeds are fast fading from the memory of pass- 
ing generations. 

Hlmosfeeag'si <®ib Jf tefjing Clocks 

By George E. Burnham 

[Reprinted from The Manchester Union of February II, 1904.] 

VU^OW many of Manchester's thousands who visit 
■JJ—J Amoskeag Falls to see the rushing of the high 
C water and hear the roar of the freshet think of the 
time when no dam was there and when the rocks had an 
interest far different from a scenic one, as the fishing sta- 
tions of the early settlers along the Merrimack. Such a 
time existed and to-day the several points from which eels, 
shad and salmon were caught can be readily located. 

In the days of Old Harrytown and later of Tyngs- 
town and Derryfield, the life of the villages centered, as 
that of the city of Manchester does to-day, about the falls 
at Amoskeag, or Namoskeag as they were then known, the 
original Indian name not having at that time been changed 
to its present form. It was not, however, because of the 
vast water power that the first settlers located there. In 
those days the musket and the fish spear formed a great 
factor in the life of the community and the falls provided 
a great opportunity for securing fish and eels, the staple 
food of the settlers. 

As the settlement grew and more and more the set- 
tlers gathered about the falls to build their homes, it 
became necessary to allot the best fishing places to those 
who, by reason of first occupation, had a right to them. 
In that way it came about that many of the rocks and 
pools in the water below the falls came to have names, 
either those of the owners or from some incident. 

In the diary of Matthew Patten, which has recently 
been published, many references are made to the fishing 
places at the falls. Mr. Patten was a resident of Bedford, 


















Fme M'LL . 

mook'no Place. 


Slash Hole 





Pot Place 



Place. "\j 

X.* TODO'iGuT 










x- . >. 










62 amoskeag's old fishing rocks 

and during the months of May, June, July, and even into 
August many entries may be found in his diary similar to 
the following: 

"June 4th. I got 60 shad and 2 salmon. One I 
throwed into the Company and the other Robert Macmur- 
phy had. I pd Mr. Russ my fishing expenses and James 
Duncan came to see me about my going eastward to 

When the owner of a fishing place had secured his 
own supply of fish, he rented his rights to some less fortu- 
nate neighbor and in this way all managed to secure and 
salt down their season's supply of eels, shad, alewives and 

Among the more important fishing places at the falls 
were the following, several of which were visited by a 
Union reporter recently: 

Eel Falls. — This was situated about twenty-five 
feet south of the middle of the eastern span of the bridge, 
and was the highest spot in the falls where eels could be 
caught. The rocks from which the eels were hooked are 
now entirely submerged by the rise of water caused 
when the present dam was built, but when the water is 
clear they may be seen. Only the weaker eels frequented 
this place, as the large and fatter eels passed up the larger 
channels to the west of it. 

Fire Mill or Russ Ray's Hooking Place. — West 
of the lower dam and south of the large rock which forms 
a pier of the bridge is a flat rock. This was about two rods 
from Todd's Gut and was known as Fire Mill and later as 
Russ Ray's Hooking Place. The former name was derived 
by the custom of building a fire there at night during the 
fishing season. Eels were caught there in great abundance 
at one time, but as the supply began to grow less the place 
was abandoned, Russ Ray at one time held the rights 
there and fished it by a method of his own. What the 
invention was is not known, but the record states that it 
was unsuccessful. 

amoskeag's old fishing rocks 63 

Todd's Gut. — That was one of the most important 
fishing places at the falls and was located just below the 
bridge, between two large rocks, upon the larger of which 
one of the supports of the bridge rests. It was sometimes 
called Eel Gut, but the name of Todd's Gut was more 
common. It received its name from the drowning of one 
John Todd, of Londonderry, at that place in 1859. 

South Gut. — This was the name of the channel next 
south of Todd's Gut. It was sometimes called the Near 
Gut. It was of little importance. A pot was sometimes 
placed there, the ledge having been blasted away for that 
purpose, and some one had built a staging there, but there 
were few fish caught. 

Thompson's Gut. — While the eels frequented this 
channel, it was an important fishing right, but as they 
afterwards ceased running up through there it was aban- 
doned. It was situated between Todd's Gut and the 
South Gut, 

Watching Falls. — This place was just above where 
the gate-house now stands, and was blasted out and fitted 
with a staging by Albert Stark. It was not of much 
importance, although many good eels were hooked there. 

Little Pulpit. — The name of Little Pulpit was 
given this place because a curve in the rock gave a fancied 
resemblance to a pulpit. It was located a few yards north- 
west of the Thompson Place and almost directly in front 
of the lower end of Todd's Gut. Fishing there was called 
"fishing under the rocks," as the eel hook had to be run 
under the shelving sides of the rocks. The freshets car- 
ried away the large boulders that formed the sides of the 
channel and the little pulpit was abandoned. 

Mudgett Place. — The Mudgett Place was situated 
on the east side of the Pulpit Stream and directly under 
the south side of the bridge, on the high rock upon which 
the bridge is built. As was the case with Todd's Gut, this 

64 amoskeag's old fishing rocks 

place was named for a man named Mudgett, who fell from 
the rock and was drowned. Another man, one Jonas 
Kemp, was drowned there. 

Dash Hole. — The fishing rights at Dash Hole were 
owned by Peter Emerson, one of the most noted rocks of 
Pulpit Stream, about half way between Fire Mill and Todd's 
Gut. Although no staging could be used there, it was very 
successfully fished by Mr. Emerson, Capt. William Perham, 
and Jonathan, Hezekiah and Joseph Young, all of whom 
were among the earliest settlers in this region. 

Point Rock. — The Point Rock was situated south- 
west of Dash Hole and almost due west of Todd's Gut, 
and was on the extremity of a ledge jutting out into Pulpit 
Stream. The place was famous for salmon and shad. It 
was occupied by one man dipping his net until he caught a 
fish, then he left and another held the place. This rule 
was strictly enforced, and if a man attempted to fish out of 
turn or to throw off a boy or a weaker man, the others 
interfered and the matter was quickly righted. In the 
earliest times, whoever got on Point Rock first and stayed 
upon it, held it for the season. Men have been known to 
go there on snow shoes to be the first in possession. 
It afterward became regulated by the same rule as at other 
shad places. 

Black Rock. — Black Rock was situated on the west 
side of the Pulpit Stream, nearly opposite the Mudgett 
Place, and directly under the south side of the bridge. It 
was famous for salmon and shad, but was difficult of access 
and was occupied only by the most expert fishermen. 
Matthew McCurdy fell from the rock in 1820 and very 
nearly lost his life. He was carried down Pulpit Stream 
but caught hold of a log opposite the Island and was res- 
cued by Capt. Israel Merrill, who was afterward awarded 
a gold medal for his heroism by the Massachusetts Humane 

amoskeag's old fishing rocks 65 

Swine's Back. — This rock may still be seen. It is 
just above the Black Rock, and was so named from its 
resemblance to the back of a hog. Salmon and shad were 
caught there, but it was a poor fishing place and was not 
much used. 

Snapping Place. — This was located about ten feet 
southeast of the large pot hole and was claimed by Gen. 
John Stark and several others. It was a famous fishing 
place and the privilege of fishing there was sought after by 
many of the residents of surrounding towns. 

Pulpit. — The Pulpit was also on the west side of the 
stream bearing the same name, and was a short distance 
south of the Snapping Place. It was one of the best 
places from which to catch shad and salmon, and was occu- 
pied for weeks before the fish began to run, some of the 
men watching even during the nights to retain possession. 
It was owned, as were many other spots, by the person 
first taking possession and ke ping it each season. 

Hackett's Stand. — This was another famous fishing 
place and was located east of the Pulpit, and some two 
rods below it, on Pulpit Stream. To fish there required 
much strength and considerable dexterity, as a long pole 
was necessary and the current was rapid. This place was 
divided among six men. 

Sullivan's Point. — This was situated a few rods 
below the Hackett Stand, on the western side of the 
Pulpit Stream. It was once famous for shad but was aban- 
doned, as they ceased to run in profitable quantities. 

Crack in the Rock. — This was on the west side of 
Pulpit Stream between the large pot hole and the Snap- 
ping Place, and almost directly opposite the lower end of 
Todd's Gut. It was a large fissure in the rocks, into which 
the eels passed and were easily captured. Gen. John Stark 
had an interest in this place, also. 

66 amoskeag's old fishing rocks 

Bat Place. — This was used principally for catching 
eels and was situated just below Sullivan's Point. It was 
the property of Lieut. John Stark and was fished by 
means of a scoop net. 

Dalton Place. — This was down the channel near 
the head of the smaller island, and was named after a man 
named Dalton. It was also an excellent place for eels. 

Puppy Trap. — The Puppy Trap was on the west 
channel, nearly opposite where the old island mill used to 
stand. It was unimportant as a fishing place, and was 
used by the proprietors of Hackett's Stand. 

Pot Place. — Pot Place was on the same channel as 
the Puppy Trap and only a few feet below it. The quality 
of eels caught there was poor and it was little used. 

Patten Rock. — This was a right claimed by Messrs. 
Patten of Bedford. One of them was the Judge Patten 
whose diary has recently been published. The rock was 
situated on the west side of the west channel and was 
directly under the old island bridge. It was a famous fish- 
ing right, and had been occupied for a great length of 

The Setting Place. — This was situated a few yards 
west of the Patten Rock, and was operated by the same 
persons. In the diary of Judge Patten references are fre- 
quently made to this spot. His method of fishing it was 
by a dip net, and in his notes he states that one day he 
took out a salmon which weighed eleven and one-half 
pounds. In later years the Setting Place was given to the 
first person to occupy it in the spring, but for many years 
it was held by the Pattens, and took its name from them. 

On the west channel there were several other fishing 
places, all of small importance. Among them were the 
Maple Stump, the Colt, the Salmon Rock, the Eel Trap, 
Salmon Cut and Mast Rock. 

amoskeag's old fishing rocks 67 

At the foot of the west channel, in what is known as 
the Eddy, were various rights for dragging seines. Near 
the center of the Eddy there is an island of sand, its cap 
covered with willows. This island was built or formed by 
Jonas Harvey as a landing place for his seine. Mr. Harvey 
at one time informed C. E. Potter, author of the history of 
Manchester, that he had frequently dragged upon this 
island as many as five hundred shad at one hand. 

Scattered between here and Goff's Falls were many 
other seine rights. These were profitably operated until 
1790, when the Provincial Government began making laws 
for the protection of shad, salmon and alewives. As the 
fish were running up the rivers to spawn, it was the worst 
thing possible to do to catch them in such numbers. As 
they began to grow scarcer, the laws were made more and 
more stringent until, at last, the use of the "seine; fish pot 
or weir" was made unlawful and these rights were given up. 

<£arlj> j^ap* of '^quog 

By Charles K. Walker 

The following paper, read before the West Manchester Men's Club of 
this city, March 6, 1905, and printed in the Mirror and American the 
following day, is thought worthy of republication. — Editor. 


ANIEL STEVENS is the only man living to-day 
who was born here when the stages were run to 
Nashua, Lowell and Boston, on the River road. I 
remember the stage drivers by name, Joel Conkey, Sam 
Gale, William Walker, Daniel Fling, Foster Farwell, and 
some others. Gilman Palmer was among the oldest 
drivers. He was a cousin of mine and a grandfather of 
Mrs. Mitchell Ward. 

When I first saw the light, it was seventy-four years 
ago the eighteenth day of last July. I was born in the 
same house that I now live in. It looks the same as it did 
then, except that there was a railing round the edge of the 
roof, three feet high, and painted yellow and green. This 
was removed on account of leaks; the snow staid on and 
my father had to keep shoveling it off. 

I looked across the road and saw two barns, one for 
cattle and horses and the other for sheep. I well remem- 
ber my father taking me into the sheep barn and showing 
me the sheep that was found on a small island where one 
of the piers of the New Hampshire Central Railroad 
bridge now stands. Hiram Ouimby, who worked for my 
father, swam over from the west bank of the river and 
caught it. It was supposed at that time that it was lost 
out of a drove. 

W T here our shed now stands was a hip-roof shed, 
painted red, which slanted to the east. I was playing ball 
against this shed with Charles Bowman; the game was 



called barn ball. I by accident threw the ball over and we 
could not find it. He suggested that by throwing a potato 
over the same way I could find the potato and the ball 
would be close by. It was a failure, for we did not go 
round and see where the potato dropped. When the grass 
was mowed we found the potato and ball side by side. We 
tried the same thing afterwards, but it failed. 

There were no houses on the west side of the road 
going north till we got within three hundred feet of Amory 
street. Perhaps I will turn about and go south. There 
was a house just south of George Eastman's that Dr. 
Parker used to own, and he kept it to let. Dan Stevens 
was born there. Just north of this was a tailor shop kept 
by three McFerson girls. The large elm tree at the cor- 
ner of Parker street was in the yard. South of this was 
the house where Mace Moulton, the sheriff, lived. He 
went to congress, and he always had a good horse. Next 
to Mace Moulton's, in the house next to the river, there 
lived a man named Rowe. The house on the hill, just 
south of George Eastman's, was sold by Dr. Parker and 
moved. It was fixed up for a hotel and called the Merri- 
mack House. 

The first house south on the east side of the street 
was Deacon Mack's. The next was a store and a hat shop, 
then the blacksmith shop, which looks the same as it did 
then, except that it has been raised up eight feet and is 
now still lower than the grade of the street. 

I well remember seeing the wooden pier to 'Squog 
bridge knocked out by the ice. This stopped the teams 
and stages, The wise men got together and started for 
Goffstown or New Boston and bought two masts, each one 
hundred and ten feet long. The distance between the 
abutments was seventy-five feet. They put one of these 
on each side, put iron bands over the logs, and they had 
teams and stages going over it in a week. The plank and 
sides did not go down, so foot passengers went across 
while it was repaired. I have thought a great many times 


how smart and energetic these men were to conceive the 
idea of a suspension bridge with so little cost. 

Mack's folks were good neighbors and we used to go 
there in the summer time to borrow fire. We used to 
cook by the fireplace, and sometimes the fire would go out, 
and we had no matches, so borrowing fire from your neigh- 
bors was common. I think to-day that matches were the 
greatest invention for housekeepers. 

I recollect well when Mace Moulton and my father 
hitched up a team on a wood sled and drove over to 
Amherst and brought back two stoves, each buying one. 
When they were set up, good-by to cooking by the fire- 
place, but we still clung to the brick oven. These stoves 
were made with the oven on one side and the fire on the 

After crossing the bridge came the store where the 
postofBce was. It was kept by Len Randlet, and his 
descendants live now in this city. This store was a land- 
ing place for boats from Boston. Here was the place 
where hops were shipped down the river and barrel staves 
and bark at different times went to Boston. General Rid- 
dle was the hop inspector, and what he marked them 

We find next the tavern, corner of Log street. This 
was the only tavern when I first went down the road. 
When the second hotel was moved at the corner of Milford 
street it was in the year 1838. I was then eight years old. 
Fred Wallace was the man who kept the hotel, and I think 
Wallace the undertaker was born there. It was afterwards 
kept by Gordon and then Glines. 

Connected with the first hotel was a stable just south 
of Log street, built to hold eighty horses. South of that 
was a stable holding twenty-five horses. South of this 
stable was the engine house where the firemen met once a 
month and the clerk called the roll. I think they tried the 
machine twice a year with water from the watering-trough 
near by, filling it with leather buckets. It would throw 


water over the steeple of the meeting house, which is one 
hundred and ten feet high. 

Log street, below Ranno's shop, was filled up with 
lumber, mostly sawed, which was rafted and taken down 
the river to Boston and Newburyport. This landing for- 
merly went to the Merrimack River, but the water washed 
off the bank so that a line on the south side of this land- 
ing would run on the south side of the island; in fact, 
'Squog River, on the south side of the island, is where the 
landing was. I might say here, in connection with this, 
that William Parker had this landing set off of his land 
for a public landing. 

One house was built on the roadway, by Leonard 
Walker, who lived in it and ran a harness shop on Main 
staeet, just north of Sheriff Doane's. Fred Stark owns 
the house, which has been enlarged and kept to let. 
Some of the apple trees that Walker set out are still bear- 
ing apples. On the hill where Ira Barr lived once lived 
William Parker, who owned tavern and store. His wife 
was a great cook, and in the spring boarded fifteen to 
twenty men, who worked rafting. 

My mother was born at the hotel at the corner of Log 

I recollect going to a caravan right back of the Hil- 
dreth house. The first one that came the year before I 
did not dare to go in; I was afraid of the lions. I stopped 
at grandmother's while father and mother went to the 
show. At the crotch of the road, near the Wallace tavern, 
was a large red oak stump, three and one-half feet high 
and four feet across. It was left there, I suppose, because 
it would cost quite a little to dig it out; at any rate it was 
there, and teams and stages went each side of it. One 
dark night a horse and chaise ran into it, and tipped over, 
and the town of Bedford paid the damage, and then the 
town dug it out. 

Where Bartlett lives, my uncle Robert built a house 
and lived there. This is where Colonel Parker was born. 


He went to the Parker school. I remember Sarah Walker 
kept the school one summer and Wayland Parker, after- 
wards Colonel Parker, went to school. He was called out 
onto the floor for something — I do not remember what it 
was — and Miss Walker was going to whip him. He ran 
out of the door and down into the swamp, and the school 
teacher after him. She caught him in the swamp and 
brought him into the school and whipped him. He has 
told me within twenty years that the flogging did him lots 
of good. It made him a better boy, and he was willing to 
do just as the teacher told him afterwards. 

Speaking of the swamp, I must tell you of the rabbits 
that used to be there. They were all killed off by the 
engravers when the first Print Works were active. I 
have seen them come out with seven or eight at a time, they 
were so plenty. They ran them with dogs and used to run 
down the brook to the mouth and turn and come back; 
then they were shot. I remember a boy coming up to the 
schoolhouse at recess time, saying that he saw a rabbit 
asleep in the swamp. One of the older boys said we could 
get that rabbit. He picked up a big stone and told the 
rest of the boys to come on and not to speak. He would 
creep up as close as he could and kill him before he waked 
up. "Now," he said, "if I should not happen to kill him, 
you all holler as loud as you can and that will scare him to 
death." The boy led the way with the big lad close 
behind him. Sure enough, there lay the rabbit fast asleep. 
The boy with the stone crept up like an Indian chief, 
raised it over his head and fired right down onto him. He 
did not hit him, and we all yelled and screamed, and I 
never saw a rabbit run so fast in my life. We all came up 
to the schoolhouse, thinking that rabbit scaring was a 
failure. Speaking of hunting, there used to be pigeon 
stands right west of Riddle's grove. I have seen one 
of the Riddle boys spring a net and catch two dozen 
or more right by the gravel bank on Milford street. I 
caught seven partridges in the edge of the woods right 


where Levi Dodge lives, in one week, using thorn-bush 
plums for bait. 

The schoolhouse where I went to school was a wooden 
building, on the spot where the Parker school stands. It 
was heated by a fireplace and the boys used to take turns 
building the fire. They soon got a big box stove and used 
it as long as I went to the district school. 

Thirty or forty scholars went to school in the winter 
time, and about twenty-five in the summer. They were all 
American born and two were colored, George and Susan 
Tony. The girls and boys all went barefooted, two-thirds 
of them having a rag tied round their toes or a piece of 
pork tied on the bottom of their feet because they had 
stepped on a nail. 

There were only four houses on Milford street: one 
where the Quimbys live now, one where Bill Young lived, 
and the McCoy house, where old McCoy was killed by a 
boy who lived there. Deacon Noyes lives in the house 
to-day. It was called the haunted house when I was a boy, 
and I never dared to go by there in the night. 

The house where Fisher's house stands was called the 
Gillis house. He was a brother to Mrs. Frederick Stark — 
Stark who built the house where the Phelpses live. It was 
the first house that had a bell on it instead of a brass 

The meeting house looked about the same — not quite 
as long as it is now. There was no steady preaching, as a 
rule. Priest Miltemore preached a short time, coming 
from Litchfield, but he was a poor man and a poor 
preacher. One day he was up here and General Riddle 
was loading a boat with posts and rails for fencing. He 
told General Riddle that he would like some of those posts 
and rails, but had no money to pay for them. Mr. Riddle 
told him he would sell him some and take his pay in 
preaching. The bargain was made and the general went 
round and got some subscribers and set the priest at it. 
It did not take more than three months to pay for the 


fencing. The boys did not like to go to his meetings very 
well, for he prayed with his eyes open. 

The meeting house was old fashioned on the inside, 
the pulpit was very high and the seats were in pens. The 
gallery went round the house with more or less pens 
besides the singing seats. 

In 1843 it was fixed over for an academy. Good, nice 
timber was put across from one gallery to another and two 
school-rooms were made on this floor. The first teacher 
was a man by the name of Wason. The school flourished 
for a little while, having seventy scholars the first year. 
The people in the village took the pupils that came from 
out of town to board, charging them $1.7 '5 a week, includ- 
ing washing. Here is where Gov. James A. Weston got 
his education, and the Jacksons, Buntons and Merrills from 
the east side of the river also went to school here. From 
Bedford came the Chandlers, Woodburys and Goffs; in 
fact, all the towns round about were represented in this 

Now let us go up the Mast road. The store on the 
corner was kept by the Porters and was called Porter's 
store. The small red house between that and the river 
was let with the store. Since then it has been used as a 
clay pipe manufactory. The McDerbys made common 
clay pipes here. Just, west of this store was a small house 
where Cooper John Parker lived, so called to distinguish 
him from the rest of the Parkers, for he was no relation. 
He worked at coopering just where the sawmill is. The 
man who carried on the business was Henry Farley. The 
next house was a two-story house occupied by Dudley 
Tufts, a painter; and the grandfather of Ned Wallace. 

The next houses were Melvin's and Bowman's, Bow- 
man living where Brigham's house now is. He was one of 
the "400," owned a span of gray horses, and when he was 
rigged up Sunday to go to Bedford meeting he made the 
boys lay down their playthings. He had an office just 
south of Sheriff Doane's. The boys were afraid of the 


squire; he never spoke to any of them, and they never met 
him in the street if they could help it, going across to the 
other side. The other lawyers were John Parker and 
Squire Wilkins. Wilkins left his property to the state for 
a reform school. 

The next place was General Riddle's. Here is where 
the boys liked to go, and where the boys and girls learned 
to dance. His dining-room was a long one, and it was here 
that the boys kicked out "Money Musk" chorus jig, "Wild 
Goose Chase," etc. The old general played the fiddle and 
did not allow any nonsense. He struck one of his boys 
over the head with his fiddle bow because he was whisper- 
ing to a girl. The rest of us were kind of scared, and I 
never whispered to a girl after that when he was playing. 

Across the road, by the river, was a sawmill and a 
grist-mill, owned by Kendall & < Gage, and three or four 
small houses were built around it. This mill was bought 
by Hamblet, who carried on the business till he died. He 
built a new house right where the Varney school stands. 
He had seven girls and one boy, who are all dead but two. 
Clark Hadley and Noyes sawed lumber here by the thou- 
sand, both dying rich. 

The next building was Palmer's store, which I do not 
remember about, as it was before my day. I remember 
when there was a hall in the building and Jack Dow was 
the dancing master. I went once with my father to see 
them dance. 

Just across the road old Dr. Walker, a cousin of my 
father, lived. He was on the road most of the time, riding 
in a gig day and night, except in the winter. The next 
three places were the Head Place, Jim George's and Hiram 
Quimby's. Moody Quimby lived there once and Charles 
W. Quimby was born there. This is now called the Hoitt 
house. I remember when Uncle Daniel Parker owned the 
land on the Head place, and William M. Parker used to 
carry it on. He wanted me to come there and ride a horse 
to plow amongst corn. He gave me a 12%-cent piece for 


riding two hours. It was as much as my father used to 
give me to spend at the Goffstown muster. 

Speaking of Goffstown muster, I well remember the 
first time my father gave me twenty-five cents to spend. 
I was the hero amongst the boys and marched into the 
field ahead of the others. There was one of those ginger- 
bread peddlers standing at the entrance, and he said, 
"Now is the time, boys, to buy your gingerbread. I can 
sell it to you now for three cents a sheet, but it will be 
higher this afternoon." Now as I had twenty-five cents to 
spend, I thought I would take advantage of the market 
and buy a sheet. I carried it under my arm until about 
noon, wishing I had not bought it to lug around. When I 
came off the grounds the same man was selling it for one 
cent a sheet. 

We will now move up north from where I now live. 
The first house you could see was the McGregor house, 
near the McGregor bridge. The Granite bridge was not 
built. It was one field from the Ferry lane, so called, to 
this house. I recollect one morning in haying time, look- 
ing out of the window and seeing seven men mowing 
down close to Ferry street. They had mowed down from 
McGregor bridge. After they had started back I watched 
them mow through the field. They each took a swath five 
feet wide and it made quite a wide road through the grass, 
about seventy feet wide coming down and back. 

Where Simpson lives the house looks about the same. 
This side of Simpson's there were two cottage houses and 
a store called Hall's store. Beyond Simpson's was an old 
schoolhouse, and on a sign over the door was "George W. 
Morrison, Lawyer." 

This Ferry street was a road two rods wide that led to 
the river, where they crossed over in boats before I can 
remember, and landed just below the sewer south of the 
outlet to the canal. 

I remember when the Ferry house was torn down. 
There was a family living there at the time who would 


neither get out nor pay rent. They said it was public 
property, and the woman said she would stay in the house 
until it was torn down over her head, which was done with- 
out hurting her. 

I cannot stop writing this paper till we go down the 
River road below the Parker school. The first house was 
the John Davis house, just below the corner of Boynton 
and Main streets. The next was where Mr. Green lived. 
The next was Ephraim Harvey's, which was burned a 
number of years ago, but which has never been torn down. 
It is a disgrace and a nuisance to the neighbors. It seems 
strange to me that after getting $12,000 out of the city 
they could not take down the ruins of this old house. It 
is sad to look at the remains of this old house and think of 
the good times we used to have there sixty years ago. 
The young folks could do anything here, dance or play. 
There was no card playing in those days, but we played 
"Button," "The needle's eye," "Green grow the rushes, O," 
"Roll the platter," etc. The fried turnovers that Mrs. 
Ephraim Harvey used to make out of cider apple sauce, the 
writer still thinks, were the best grub that a boy ever ate. 

There were no houses on the west side of Main street. 
Two barns belonging to Jim Harvey and Deacon McQues- 
tion were the only buildings until you got to the old Gil- 
more place, where Bursiel now lives. The brick house of 
Jim Harvey looks just the same as it did seventy years 
ago. The McQuestion place has changed somewhat by 

The brook is about the same except that there are not 
so many trout in it as there used to be. The Bowman 
brook was the greatest brook for trout on the west side of 
the Merrimack, and is to-day. 

Below the old Gilmore place, on the east side of the 
road, where Wiggin, Gilman and Payson French now have 
small farms, was then covered with a growth of hard wood. 
These woods were, in certain years, full of gray squirrels, 
after acorns. On the west side of the road it was cleared 


land. When you got to Bowman brook there was a saw- 
mill, a grist-mill, a tannery and a curtain manufactory. 

We will now just go up to Chandler's Tavern, which 
was called one of the best taverns on the road from Con- 
cord to Boston. I well remember the teams that could be 
seen there in the evening, and the teamsters sitting by a 
big fireplace, which I used to see when I was coming home 
from Uncle Cy's place. 

They used to tell a story about Tom Chandler, grand- 
father to Henry and Byron. He was standing in the corn 
field near the river, leaning on his hoe, looking at a raft 
going down the river, which had just come over Griffin's 
Falls. One of the rafters looked up and saw Chandler. 
He said to his companions, "I never saw a scarecrow look 
so much like a man before." 

Lamper eels and shad were caught on this side of the 
Merrimack. Lamper eels were caught on the north side 
of 'Squog River, opposite Baldwin's mill, and shad were 
eaught below Stark brook, on Ephraim Harvey's land. I 
used to go down there and buy a shad when they were run- 
ning. I have bought many a one for ten cents. Lamper 
eels were my fish. I liked them better than any fish caught 
in the Merrimack River, and I will not except salmon. 

B l^fecourse at Bmoafeeag ifalte 


By Rev. Joseph Secombe 

Introduction by S. C. Gould 

Through the courtesy of Mr. S. C. Gould, who owns one of the very 
few copies of the original tract known to be in existence, we are able to 
give a reprint, as nearly as possible to the first copy, of the early sermon 
preached at Amoskeag Falls. On account of its local associations it is of 
more than passsing interest, a small reprinted edition issued in 1892 by 
Mr. Gould having long since been exhausted. — Editor. 

The first printed sermon preached within the limits of 
what is now Manchester, N. H., was at "Ammauskeeg-Falls, 
in the Fishing Season, 1739," by Rev. Joseph Secombe, 
of Kingston, N. H., a gentleman of good attainments, 
eccentric habits, and extremely fond of fishing. It was his 
custom annually, with other gentlemen, to visit the Falls 
for recreation and diversion. At such times he preached on 
Sunday to the natives and other settlers and visitors. One 
of his sermons was printed in Boston in 1743, and dedi- 
cated to the "Honourable Theodore Atkinson, Esq.," of 
Portsmouth, N. H., who was one of his hearers. Copies 
of the printed discourse have become very scarce, only five 
perfect ones being known to exist. With the exception of 
the modern "s" for the former long "f " the same appears 
verbatim, literatim, et punctatim. The quotation on its 
title page contains the name "Moniack," of which Potter's 
"History of Manchester," says: 

"Moniack, one of the names applied to the Merrimack 
by the Indians, from the fact that it contained a great 
many islands. The literal meaning of Moniack is 'Island- 
place' — it being a compound word from the Indian nouns 
Mona (island) and Auke (place)," (page 721). 



"'Namaoskeag,' or as called by the English, and now 
written, Amoskeag, has been a noted place for centuries. 
The terminals oog, ook and uk, written by the English 
auke or ook, were used by the Indians to represent a place 
or spot of land or water; and eag, eeg and eek, written 
by the English eag, eke and ic, were the terminals 
used by the Indians to represent long or extended 
places of water. Thus Namaos means a 'fish,' and com- 
pounded with eag with the k thrown in for the sake of 
sound, becomes the Indian derivative noun, JSfamaoskeag, 
a 'long and continued place of water for fish,' and was 
doubtless applied by the Indians to that part of the Merri- 
mack river consisting of falls, rapids and ripples, extend- 
ing from the Skowhegan in Merrimack, to Turkey Falls in 
Concord. . . . But as the country became settled, and fish 
scarce, the 'Namaoskeag' became limited to the rapids in 
the immediate vicinity of 'Namoaskeag' falls (pp. 638-9.)" 

The word has many variations in orthography, among 
them being, Namoaskhag, Naamkeake, Namaske, Naum- 
keag, Naimkeak, and several others. (See Potter's 
Farmers' Monthly Visitor, 1852-53.) 

Business and Diversion 

inoffensive to God, ouncL necessary for the 
Comfort cund Support ofh-iomcbn Booiety. 

Mk S!k $& &lk Mk $k ^^ <& **fe* 4K* 4^ «&te- w. ^t^. gut. ^ ^,t«» «&t«. ^g, ^g, w^ ^ 



utter'd in Part 

Ammattskeeg- Falls, 

I N T H E 


I 7 3 9. 

£T&> «! ,?£. v\T£. *!& ^ ^Jfc *!* jgg. ggg £T£ .gig iSlfe S*l& ^ «^ **£• ji^ «M» *«• £lfr «&»«» -M» 

tV* ^ ^ ^ ^i* ^ ^ 'W *5l? *?tf* Tir W *W* *JW *W? *?tf* *2tf? ^f? W ^ W W 

Deep in the Vale old Moniack rolls his Tides, 
Komantick Prospers crown his reverend Sides ; 
Now thro' wild Grotts, and pendent Woods he strays, 
And ravish' d at the sight, his Course delays. 
Silent and calm— now with impetuous Shock 
Pours his swift Torrent down the steepy Kock ; 
The tumbling Waves thro' airy Channels flow, 
And loudly roaring, smoke and foam below. 

/. w. 

Boston, Printed for S.Kneeland and T. Green in Queen- 
Street. Mdccxliii. 


To the Honourable 

Theodore Atkinson, Esq; 

And Other 
^he Worthy Patrons of the fishing 




'S not to signify to others that I pretend to an 
Intimacy with you, or that I ever had a Share in 
those pleasant Diversions, which you have innno- 
cently indulged your selves in, at the Place where 
I have taken an annual Tour for some Years past. Yet I 
doubt not but you'l Patronize my Intention, which is to 
sence against Bigottry and Superstition. All Excess I dis- 
claim, but pretend to be a Favourer of Religion, and of 
Labour as an Ingredient, and of Recreation as a necessary 

I believe the Gentleman who moved me to preach 
there in some odd Circumstances, and those at whose 
Desire and Charge this Discourse is Printed, (asking their 
Pardon if my Suggestion appear to them ungrounded) 
were moved more from the uncommonness of the Thing, 
than any Thing singular in it. I have put off the Impor- 
tunity for near these three Years; but least it should be, 
that I fear, it's being seen by the World, I submit it to 
Sight and Censure. 

So little as I know you, Gentlemen, I heartily present 
it to you; tho' all the Reason that I intend to offer is, we 
have fished upon the same Banks: And tho' I know this 
will be no Bait, I am fond of being esteemed, in the Affair 
of Fishing, 



your most Obedient 

and very humble Servant, 

Fluviatulis Piscaton 


Business and Diversion 

inoffensive to G O D. 


JOHN XXL iii. 

Simon Peter saith unto them, I go a 

IS an odd and vicious Conceit of the Superstitious, 
who in Popish Countries are called the Religious; 
that a solitary Sequestration from the social Affairs 
and Duties of Life, afford a mighty Advantage to Religion: 
For this is contrary to the Design of the Creator in the 
Make and Constitution of Man; opposite to the Providence 
and Precepts of God, and the Examples of holy Men 
recorded in sacred History. The Instance in our Text 
shows that Business* or I think Diversion in proper Por- 
tions of Time, and other suitable Circumstances, are not 
hurtful, but very friendly to Religion. 

The Apostles were constituted Fishers of Men, to 
allure and draw Souls to Christ, from a Pit of Sin and 

Misery, to an Ocean of Piety and Pleasure An high 

and really religious Employment! And our Lord gave 
them a Vacancy, with Restriction, but tarry ye at Jerusa- 
lem. They had been commissioned long before, [Matth. 
x. 17 and Luke ix.] but before they were to enter upon 

*For their stated Business, was to preach the Gospel; 
tho" 1 Fishing had been their Employment. 



their Enterprize, in which he should be coporally absent, 
they must have a Leisure refreshing Season. To what should 
they in Reason have devoted this Intermission, but Fast- 
ing and Mourning, for now the Bridegroom was not always 
with them? Why, Obedience is better than Sacrifice, and 
to hearken, than the Fat of Rams, I Sam. xv. 22. He who 
best knew the Nature of Man, before he was to send Men 
upon extraordinary Business, would give them Leisure; 
nor was this Space confined wholly to Devotion. Some of 
it, we find, was spent in Business or Diversion. Certainly 
these Saints were as sincerely and piously affected to God, 
as the superstitious Biggots to Popery can, with any Shew 
of Modesty, pretend to be; yet they divert themselves in so 
suitable a Season, and our Lord not only appoints the Lei- 
sure, but supports them in it; by giving them a lucky 
Draught of Fishes. This sacred Story leads me to think, 

I. In the general, that the common Enterprizes of 
Life are not inconsistent with Piety towards God: But 
that infinite Holiness may be pleased with them. And in 
particular, that 

II. Fishing is innocent as Business or Diversion. 
Some may think it strange that I give myself the 

Trouble to illustrate these Things, which, to them appear 
level to the lowest Capacity. 

But all Men are not of the same Cast or Constitution. 
A Proposition which is easy and evident to one, may be as 
doubtful and difficult to another; and its no uncommon 
Case, for Men who have no higher End in their Employ- 
ments, and have been unseasonable, unguarded and irreg- 
ular in their Diversions, and have no higher End than Self, 
if they are convinced of their Idolatry and Carnality, to 
exclaim against the world! Then, when they most of all 
need to be diligent in some good Employment, Diligence 
is termed Worldly-mindedness; seasonably and temper- 
ately to recreate themselves, is carnal Pleasure. These 
Difficulties require no great Depth of Tho't, nor a Multi- 
tude of Words for their Solution. 


We may, in an easy and natural Manner, consider that 
Religion is all of a Piece, and one Duty does not destroy 
another. That Business and Diversion, in their proper 
Place and Time, determined from a good Principle, and 
performed piously and prudently; are so far from being 
offensive, that they are a necessary Branch of our holy 

Let us then in the general consider, Whether the com- 
mon Enterprizes of human Life, be consistent with practi- 
cal Piety. 

Here we must tell what we mean, by the common 
Enterprizes of Life. And we renounce all unjust and dis- 
honest Methods of obtaining the Riches, Honours, and 
Pleasures of the World: And all unlawful Games, and 
those which are lawful, when they are unsuitably and 
irregularly managed. 

We consider Business or Diversions, as human Under- 
standings. By Business, we mean our stated Exercises, or 
that which we ought to employ most of our Time in, and 
most of our Thoughts about. Diversion is the turning 
aside from Business, in some proper Period, to refresh our- 
selves, and fit us for a more chearful and lively Discharge 
of Duty. Now, if it should be made evident, that these are 
Parts of our Duty to God, I suppose they must be con- 
sistent with real Religion. And this will appear, if we 
consider, That God is an active Being, and proposes him- 
self as our Pattern. It's not only contrary to Scripture, 
and deep thinking, but common Sense, to suppose the 
great Creator and Governour of all Worlds, idle and unac- 
tive. Every one conceives something of his Operation, as 
the Over-ruler of Human Affairs, or Author of all Things. 
And if God be Agent, he expects those to be such who are 
capable of acting: And as he is perfect, and must act in 
a most excellent Manner, according to his own Nature, he 
must expect and require his Creatures to act according to 
the Power with which he has endowed them. And as he 


has endowed Man with a Capacity of knowing something 
of him, he must design his imitating of him in his Measure 
and Degree. In this the Image of God in Man consists. 
And we are to imitate him injLabour and Rest, as well as 
in other Respects. This will be clear to you, if you recol- 
lect the Fourth Commandment: Six Days shalt thou 

Labour \ for in six the Lard made and rested on 

the seventh, &c. 

Indeed, no Man was made for Time, but Time for him: 
And as God uses Eternity for his own Glory, according to 
his infinite Wisdom and Power; so he expects Man should 
spend his Time, according to his Capacity 

Man's Capacity is the Measure of his Duty, and the 
Nature of man requires Rest and Labour, and a prudent 
Interchange and Succession of each. We were not obliged 
to do, in our Original, those Things which our Species 
were not capable of performing: But the Limitation of 
Nature was a Bound by the Deity, So far shalt thou come, 
and no farther. The Stretch of a human Mind, and the 
Strength of Man's Body, is limited by the supream Dis- 
poser of all Things. And the same Being, in limiting our 
Capacity, makes out our Duty, by our Make and Frame, 
and casual Circumstances in the Course of his Divine 
Providence, he shews a wise Man what he ought to do, and 
what to avoid, and how he should direct, guide, and govern 
himself or others. No mere Man ever could, nor will any 
Man that has the Government of himself, pretend to keep 
up an uninterrupted Series of Idleness and Indolence, of 
Labour or Devotion; for Experience must soon convince 
them that Man's Nature is formed for Variety: He is a 
changeable Creature, and is supported by Change. So 
Man at first was put into the Garden of Pleasure, not only 
to serve his Maker, in his Devotions, and delight himself 
by his Sensations, but to dress it and to keep it: For in 
his primitive Make he needed those Changes. And we 
need them much more in our lapsed State: As all the 


Works of God, in Nature and Revelation, manifestly 
declare. Let those who would form to their Imagination, 
a beautiful Description of the Original of the World, read 
Dr. Burnet: But I must confine myself to Scripture, and 
the common Current of our Experience, in the present 
State of Things; and as to that original State of the World, 
you will excuse me if I say little about it, because we have 
little to do with it. But if we gaze upon Nature, in its 
present Situation, we shall find, that every Thing calls for a 
prudent Alloy of Labour and Diversion: [Tho' I must rejoin, 
because I would not be wanting in Caution, by Labour, 
I would be understood to mean, our Actions in our partic- 
ular Callings; and by our Diversions, our turning aside 
from them, whether in the prescribed scriptural or rational 
Acknowledgements of the Deity, or our innocent unbend- 
ing the Bow in those lawful Amusements, which are more 
commonly called Diversions. The Reason of my thus 
speaking is on the account of the divine Division. Six 

Days shalt thou Labour. But on the Seventh God 

who best knew our Capacities, has delineated our Business 
[or that which we are Statedly to employ most of our Time 
in, for that I call, must call so.] God confirms the Division 
both by Precept and Example: And if we throw off Supersti- 
tion and allow our selves to think freely we shall be con- 
firmed that Business is Part of our Religion.] To return 
then: Let us consider the Universe in its present State 
and Situation. All the heavenly Bodies keep their Course, 
[But their Orbits are more or less Excentric] The rising 
Sun calls Man forth to his Business. The Sun withdraws, 
and Itngthning Shades forwarn us of the rising Damp, and 
unhealthy Vapour; and bid us retire for Rest and Shelter. 
Yet if something uncommon call us longer abroad, the 
Moon and Stars will lend a little of their borrowed Light; 
but amphibious Creatures, Birds and Beasts of Prey, oft 
check our Improvidence or Negligence. The Sun gives us 
our longest Days when the Earth requires most of our 
Labour, and when she refuses Produce, he shortens our 
Hours of Business. 


So the vast Collection of Waters sometimes heaves in 
its briny Billow, swells every Bay, and rushes with Joy 
tho' every Channel; as from an Engine played by the 
Almighty Arm; then sinks into her deep Caverns, leaves 
Room for the Return of the rapid Rivers; with vast Addi- 
tions from in-land Oceans. 

The Winds also take their turns for Labour and Rest. 
The laborious East sends gently in the vast Magazines of 
floating Wealtn, to the favorite Sons of Fortune; while he 
is gathering up the scattering Clouds, which he shoves in 
upon the craving Land, and genreously pours down a more 
universal Blessing: and retires, when the brisk West opens 
a Glene, scatters the broken Cloud, and sweeps up the 
redundant Moisture * * *. 

So the Earth here raises a rocky Mountain with a frown- 
ing Front; and levels there a pleasant Plain; here sinks a rushy 
Fen, there raises a fertile Field: Here the struggling 
Streams rush down a rapid River, there the easy Waters 
lye still and move not. . . . But what in Nature does not? 
Every Thing calls for Labour, and Labour requires Rest. 

These uncultivated Lands call for hard Labour, but 
some other Circumstances admit of Diversion; for this the 
half-tam'd Deer graze your Plains, and the rough Bear 
infest domestick Folds. The ingenious Dr. Woodward has 
shown what Convulsions there were at the Time of the 
Deluge, and how Sterile the Earth is made by that awful 
Event; and this to make us Labour, because our sinful 
Propensity required it.* 

*Speaking of the old World, he says that after the 
Fall of Man, ''These exuberant Productions of the 
Earth became a continual Decay and Snare to him, 
they only excited and fomented his Lusts, and minis- 
tered Fuel to his Vices and Luxury, and the Earth 
requiring little or no Tillage, there was little Occasion 
for Labour, so that almost the whole Time lay upon 
his hand, and gave him Leisure to contrive; and full 


But we are social Creatures; and the Cord of Society 
is strengthened by Industry. In this defective State, great 
Diligence is necessary in Education, in Purging out Preju- 
dices, Infusing Principles and Maxims of Wisdom; and 
acquiring Habits of just Reasoning, and Prudent Deter- 
mining in every Occurrence. It's needful that some should 
make a Business of Teaching; and the Labour of others 
must support such in their Labour. 

Government is necessary to our good Order; to secure 
our Lives, Property and Peace: And those who are by 
divine Providence, set in Authority over us, should be 
esteemed and honoured; that they may be so, they should 
be set above Contempt, by a generous Support from the 
Society whom they serve: which it never can do unless 

Seeing we are to consider God, not only as Creator of 
Man, but as the Founder of Society, and it must follow that 
a social Homage is his Due; and this Homage must be paid in 
the best, the most regular and rational manner: It appears 
by the Light of Nature, and Suffrage of all Nations, that 
there should be some Persons stated and appointed to lead 
Societies in their Devotions; to keep the Knowledge of 
God, and our Duty to him, clear from all Confusions and 
unworthy Conceptions, and to excite religious Sentiments, 
&c. This requires the Labour and Study of such Persons, 
and the Labour of others to support them. So that unless 
we would have Ignorance and Irreligion, and all Manner of 
Miseries and Mischiefs infest Mankind, we must labour: 

Swing to persue his Follies; and the Pravity of humane 

Nature was The Pravity of humane Nature is not, 

I fear, less yet than it was then And to remove 

the Temptation and Cause of the Sin, he brought this 
Change, by mingling and confounding its first constit- 
uent Principles That by this means a great Part 

of their Time might be taken up, &c. 

See his natural History, Ed. 1st. Pag. 89 to 114 


and as God is the Author of the Species, and Founder ot 
our State, this industry should be practised with a View to 
his Glory, as Part of our holy Religion. 

This Thought includes Piety, Justice and Charity. 
We must be diligent in some lawful Calling, because God 
requires it, as mere Reason shews, so doth the Scriptures. 

Those who will take no Method for their own Support, 
rob Society or murder themselves. If a Man provide not 
for himself he either starves or pillages his Neighbour: I 
can call it nothing less than Robbery, if he could by any 
lawful Business, have supported himself; for he is as really 
a Villain, who, without my knowing it, picks my Pocket, as 
he who says, Stand and Deliver! And whatever I am 
obliged by Authority to pay towards the Support of 
Religion, Government, and the Poor, more than I should 
or ought to have done, if my Neighbour had been indus- 
trious, they really rob me of; for I have so much less of 

Estate thro' their Negligence The Equity of that 

Precept is clear, He that will not work, neither let him eat. 
And it's as evidently just, he that will not labour to sup- 
port Government, forfeits its Protection and Favour. 

The Man who will not labour, often thinks himself 
forced to lie long in this Neighbour's Debt; which is a great 
Piece of Injustice to his Neighbour and to Society: Seeing 
if his industrious Neighbour had his Money in his Hand, 
he would have turn'd it to the Increase of his Estate, and 
Emolument of the Community. It's thro' Idleness that 
Men have little to dispose of, and are tempted to ask such 
exorbitant Prices for their Wares. 

The Original of Communities, are Families. In these 
are weak and feeble Members, who need Labour for their 
Support: And that Man is not only unjust, but barbarous 
and cruel, who neglects them.* lie that prom deth not for 

*There has been long and tedious Disputes about a 
Medium of Trade, and a sad Complaint about the con- 


his own, especially for those of his own House, hath denied 
the Faith, and is worse than an Infidel. 

We ought to labour from a Principle of Charity, That 

we may have to give to him that needeth.f The Poor 

ye have with you always. % If the Poor perish thro' your 
Want, when you might have had it to give; it's as much 
thro' your Neglect, as if you had it, and refused to help 
and relieve them: 

Indeed the most kind and prudent Way of relieving 
the Poor is by setting them to work, if. they are able. 
For hereby you give them Courage, cause them to be pru- 
dent and frugal; and prevent much Sin. It does not put 
them to so much Pain, to ask for that for which they have 
laboured: And what they earn hardly, they will not be so 
likely to spend idly. While they have Employ they may 
be kept from making Mischief among Neighbours, from 
wandering about from House to House as Busy-Bodies.^ 

stant Falling of Money: While the Prices of the 
Produce of the Country are under no Regulation by 
Law: Every one almost will make it a Rule, to sell as 
dear as he can: And if they ask an Angel this Year, 
for that which might have been purchased with a 
Croion last, an Angel is worth no more now than a 
Crown was then; and Money must continue Falling. 
It's worthy the Tho't of considerate Man, whether a 
want of Labourers be not at the Bottom of all this. 
If Men don't labour, they vainly complain of hard 
Times, and Scarcity of Money; for they have nothing 
to procure it. 

tEph. iv. 28. JMatth. xxvi. 1 1. 

§In the best regulated Communities, they keep all 
employ'd young and old, strong and weak; those who 
are strong to more onerous Service, and the more 
feeble to that which is less burthensome, &c. See Sir 
Will Temple of Holland and Busbeg; Juci Epist. 
Richelieu's Pol. Will. Chap. IX. Sect. vi. 


If ye shall fulfill the royal Law, according to the 
Scriptures % . . .thou shalt love thy Neighbour as thy self ye 
shall do icell. If a Brother or a Sister be naked, or desti- 
tute of daily Food, and one of you say to them, Depart in 
Peace, be you rearmed and filled, notwithstanding you give 
them not of those Things that are needful to the Body, 
What doth it? But can common Christians feed their 
Neighbours with any thing better than fair Words unless 
they be diligent in their Business. 

Quest. These are evident, you may say, but how do 
they reach the Rich? 

The Rich are of the same Nature with the Poor, and 
stand in as near Relation to God and Society as they: 
And in these Respects, have as much need of Business. 
Tho' Men have ever so much Wealth, they should consider 
that Idleness and Inactivity rusts and depraves the Mind, 
and renders it unfit for the Service of God or Men. It 
either distempers the Brain with Melancholy, or fills the 
Body with ill Humours, and the Mind with vicious Inclina- 
tions; and either of them give Satan great Advantage 
against us. Besides .... we are to consider Wealth as a 
Talent given us by God to improve, therefore the more any 
Man has, the more he has to turn to Advantage, which must 
proportionably encrease Care and enlarge the Sphere of 
Action. He that sinks his Estate thro' Indolence robs the 
Publick, for he cant do so much for the Commonwealth. 
And if he only keeps the Principal, and endeavours to 
make no Interest, he is an unprofitable servant to God who 
intrusts him, and to the Society who protects him. 

If we are to be Followers of God as dear 
Reflection. Children; if God is an Agent; if we are to 
imitate him in labouring six Parts in seven 
of our Time; if the human Constitution in its Original 
requires Change of Labour and Rest; if this is the State of 
all. Nature, if Piety to God, and Justice and Charity to 
Men require Labour; and Business cannot be perform'd to 
Advantage without some seasonable prudent and regular 


Diversion: How wild and superstitious are those who 
would drive Persons into Monasteries and Nunneries, 
under the Notion of their spending their whole Time in 
Devotion? And how much better is it for Persons who are 
deeply in Debt, or dependent on Charity for their daily 
Support, to run about under the Notion of dealing with 
their Neighbours in some pretended Case of Conscience, 
prating about Things which they understand not; than 
study to be quiet and do their own Business! 

Extraordinary Religion is the most exact Transcript of 
the communicable Attributes of God; and the nearest 
Imitation of the Divine Being, as far as the Dictates and 
Limits of our Nature, and the Rules of his holy Word. 

They who are wise above what is written, will soon 

discover their Folly: For when Superstition has over- 
whelmed a man's Brain, like a Child with the Rickets, his 
Head grows too big for his Body, and the distempered 
Creature soon dwindles away to nothing. For Men in vain 
plead for such Devotion as robs Society, such as defrauds 

Mankind. He that loves not his Brother whom he 

hath seen, how shall he love God whom he hath not seen. 

Weak Persons are apt to say, Can we do too much for 
God? Can we spend too much Time in Religion? No, 
you cannot. But you may disobey God, when you think 
you obey him: You may do what he forbids, when you 
think you do what he requires. You may be idolatrous, 
when you think you are mighty devout. Why, your Ances- 
tors tho't this might be; Why else did they reject the exorbi- 
tant Number of Popish Fast and Festivals, &c? In one Cen- 
tury you seem to have forgot your Errand to America. And 
what do you think of those Israelites, who sacrificed their 
Children, &c? Do you think that they could do too much 
for God? Could they do any more than to give the First- 
born of their Bodies for the Sin of their Souls? Who 
could blame them, if none can do too much [in the common 
Sense]? If a man were to murder his Father or Mother, 
his Wife or Children, or himself, under the Notion of 


being extraordinary religious, and should say, who can do 
too much for God, would you not think the poor Creature 
were delirious? Why, He that loves not his Brother is a 
Murderer! Many make a great Talk of Matters of Faith, 
or rather of Opinion, and will go prating from Place to 
Place,* and take little or no Care of their Families; they 
are mighty religious, but if it were possible they would not 
pay a Farthing for the Support of the Government, (by 
which our Lives are preserved) or of Religion, or for the 
Education of their Children. They like Holidays ex- 
treamly, and might be glad if every Day were such; but 
can, with a good Conscience, lie in Debt from Year to 
Year. It's an easy Matter to pray, and read, and hear, and 
talk devoutly; but to work is hard, 'tis tedious to the poor 
Carcass, a Weariness to the Flesh! It's an easy Matter to 
run down your industrious Neighbour as a worldly Man, 
but have you paid him that which you owed him? Is not 
he forc'd, in great Part, to support your Family? 

I wish Men would know what Religion is in the 
Whole, and not set the several Parts of it at Variance, and 
make one Branch militate with another. Let us love God 
with all our Hearts, and at the same Time remember that 
we are to love our Neighbour as ourselves. 

Let us meditate on and long after Heaven; but know 
at the same Time, that our Way thither is thro' the Earth: 
That the Soul is infinitely the superiour Part, but if we 

*I wish there were not too much Reason for Com- 
plaint in this Regard, at this Day. I have been often 
surprized, not only at the prophane Railing against 
Lectures, but at the Absurdity and Folly of many, 
who had hardly a Morsel of Meat to put into their 
Mouths, and their Children near Famishing, and all their 
Business ruining, on Account of their violent and 
furious rambling here and there on the Notion of some 
religious Errand; as if God would call them to a Fraud 
and Barbarity, which, the Apostle tells us, is worse 
than Infidelity, I Tim. 5. 8. 


murder the Body, the Soul must eternally be damned. 
Let us be frequent at Church, yet not forget that we have 
something to do at Home. Let's be serious and steady in 
our Devotions, and likewise diligently follow our Business. 
In short, Let every Command have its proper Weight with 
us, every Duty it's Proportion of our Time and Tho'ts. 

Business and Diversion, in the general, maybe allowed 
as innocent and necessary. But some Enterprizes which 
wear that Name may be scrupled. We may therefore 
enquire in particular, 

II. Whether Fishing is lawful as Business or 

Not only those called Religious, among the Turks and 
Persians, and the Benjans, &c. have scrupled eating of 
Flesh or Fish, but some among ourselves, fear whether we 
ought to take away the Lives of Creatures for our own 
Support; and are positive that we should not for Diversion. 
Many have a great Aversion to those whose Trade it is to 
take away the Lives of the lower Species of Creatures. A 
Butcher is (in their Apprehension) a mere Monster, and a 
Fisherman, a filthy Wretch. 

It's an ancient Observation, that a merciful Man is 
merciful to his Beast. The righteous Man regards the 
Life of his Beast, Prov. xii. 10. Where any have long 
used any Creature, the Tho't of it's Service, and some sort 
of Regard contracted to it thereby, is not easily conquered. 
But a noble generous Soul hates Barbarity to foreign as 
well as domestick Creatures. "It's not certain [says my 
"Lord Beacon] that the worthier any Soul is, the larger is 
"it's Compassion. For contracted degenerate Minds 
"imagine that those Things belong not to them: But the 
"Mind that looks upon itself as a nobler Portion of the 
"Universe, is kindly affected towards inferiour Crea- 
tures " 

He that takes Pleasure in the Pains and dying Agonies 
of any lower Species of Creatures, is either a stupid sordid 


Soul, or a Murderer in Heart He that delighteth to 

see a Brute die, would soon take as great Pleasure in the 
Death of a Man. 

But here, in Fishing, we are so far from delighting to 
see our Fellow-Creature die, that we hardly think whether 

they live We have no more of a murderous Tho't in 

taking them than in cutting up a Mess of Herbage. We 
are taking something, which God, the Creator and Propri- 
etor of all, has given us to use for Food, as freely as the 
green Herb. Gen. ix. 2, 3. 

He allows the eating them, therefore the mere catch- 
ing them is no Barbarity. Besides God seems to have 
carv'd out the Globe on purpose for a universal Supply: 
In Seas, near Shores, are Banks and Beds made for them; 

to furnish the Lands adjacent and Lands which 

lye remote, are more divided into Lakes and Ponds, Brooks 
and Rivers; and he has implanted in several Sorts of Fish, 
a strong Instinct [or Inclination] to swim up these Rivers 
a vast Distance from the Sea. And is it not remarkable, 
that Rivers most incumbred with Falls, are ever more full 
of Fish than others. Why are they directed here? Why 
retarded by these difficult Passages? But to supply the 
Inlands? Does forming and disposing of these Things 
argue nothing? 

Since the Flood the Earth is more barren, and Vege- 
tables afford not a sufficent Support for Mankind So 

that if the Lives of all these are of less Consequence, nay, 
are freely given by him whose they are, they may be taken 
and used as Food: If they may be taken, any may make a 
Business of taking them for the Supply of others. 

But if this be innocent as Business, some may still 
scruple it as Diversion. 

And why not all Diversion with as good Reason? 
The grave and judicious Mr. Perkins says,* "We are 
"allowed to use the Creatures of God, not only for our 

*See his Works, Vol. 2. p. 140. 


"Necessity, but for meet and convenient Delight. This is 
"a confessed Truth. And therefore to them who shall con- 
"demn fit and convenient Recreation (as some of the 
"ancient Fathers have done, by Name Chrysostom and 
"Ambrose) it may be said, be not too righteous, be not too 
"wise, JEccl. vii. 16." But if we consider, that the End of 
Business and Diversion are the same, we shall clearly con- 
ceive the Truth. The End of both are the Refreshment 
and Support of Man in the Service of God. If I may eat 
them for Refreshment, I may as well catch them, if this 
recreate and refresh me. It's as lawful to delight the Eye, 
as the Palate. All Pleasure arises from the Suitableness 
and Agreeableness between the perceptive Faculties, and 
the Objects that affect them: And our bountiful Maker, as 
he has given the animal Life many perceptive Faculties, 
the Senses of seeing, Hearing, Tasting, dtc. so he has pro- 
vided suitable Objects for all these Faculties, and does 
allow us to gratify ourselves therewith. 

When the Body has been long wearied with Labour, 
or the Mind weakned with Devotion, it's requisite to give 
them Ease; then the use of innocent and moderate Pleas- 
ures and Recreations is both useful and necessary, to Soul 
and Body; it enlivens Nature, recruits our Spirits, and ren- 
ders us more able to set about serious Business and 
Employment. For to intermix no Gratifications, nor 
Diversions with our more serious Affairs, makes the Mind 
unactive, dull and useless.* 

t"It proceeds either from P'ride, ill Nature or Hypo- 
crisy, when People censure and are offended at the Liber- 

*Cito rumpes arcum si tensum habueris. 
At si laxaris, cum voles, eris utilis, 
Sic lusus Animo debet aliquondo dari, 
Ad cogitandum melior, ut redeat tibi. 

Study and ease 

Together mixt; Sweet Recreation, 
And Innocence, which most does please, 

with Meditation. 


"ties which others use in thus relaxing their Minds. Sloth 
and Idleness, we have already inveigh'd against, and con- 
demn'd; but those who give seasonable Hours for their 
Devotions and know how to dispatch the proper Business 
of Life well and seasonably enough, and still aim chiefly at 
the Glory of God, need be under no Apprehensions of the 
divine Wrath and Displeasure on the Score of their Diver- 
sions. For this is good and comely, Eccl. v. 18. And 
indeed, the Comforts and Enjoyments of this Life, which 
we receive from the bountiful Hand of God, is a great 

Subject of our Praise and Thanksgiving to God, that 

the Lines are fallen to us in pleasant Places . . . ,our Heads 
anointed, our Cup runneth over. The Steams lead us up 
to the Fountain and Spring-Head. Our Diversion, if 
rightly used, not only fits us for, but leads us to Devotion; 
and the Creature brings us to Christ. Thus in the Con- 
text, the Disciples go a fishing, and Christ manifests him- 
self to them Not only countenances them, by suc- 
ceeding their Design; but excites and draws out their Affec- 
tions to him, so much that Simon could not wait 'till the 
Vessel came to Shore, but leapt into the Lake, and swam 
swift ashore, to greet and converse with his dearest Lord. 

That I may not be tedious, I will only lead in 

your Reflections a Word or two. 

Religion is the highest Reason, and Christianity per- 
fectly suited to Man in his present State. And as the ven- 
erable Judge Hale says,* "Religion is best in its Simplicity 

|The Pharisees were of this Temper and frequently 
censure and condemn Christ for his Recreations, 
both for the Matter and Manner. The Son of Man 
came eating and drinking, a?id they say, behold a Man 
gluttonous and a wine-bibber, a Friend of Publicans 
and Sinners. Math. II. 19. Luke 7. 34, &c. and 
Chap. 15. 2. But all Extreams are bad, one leads to 
another; those who in this Case Strain at a Gnat, in 
another will generally Sicallow a Camel. 

Contemplations, last Part, p. 254. 


"and Purity, but difficult to be retain'd so, without Super- 
stitions and Accessions; and those do commonly in Time 
"stifle and choak the Simplicity of Religion, unless much 
"Care and Circumspection be used: The Contemporations 
" are so many and so cumbersome, that Religion looseth 
"its Nature oris strangled by them: Just like a Man that 
"hath some excellent simple Cordial or Spirit, and puts 
"Musk in it to make it smell sweet, and Honey to make it 
"taste pleasant, and it may be Cantharides to make it look 
"glorious. Indeed by the Infusions he hath given it a very 
"fine Taste, /Smell, and Colour, but yet he hath so clogg'd it, 
"and sophisticated it with Super addition, that it may be he 
"hath altered the Nature, and destroyed the Vertue of it." 
Some so muffle up Christianity, and make it look so melan- 
choly, sickly and sowr, that inconsiderate People are apt to 
dread its Command, as they would the Tyranny of Sallee- 
Men. But 

What prodigious Injustice is hereby done to the most 
sacred and excellent Cause in the World? 

Such zealous, weak, mistaken Men can't easily be per- 
svvaded of the Dissimilitude there is between their Opinion 
and Practice, and the Doctrine and Behaviour of Christ 
and his Apostles. It were worthy of their diligent Appli- 
cation, to make a critical Attempt of running the Parralel. 
And they would certainly find their own Lives awkward 
and disjointed; and their Notions, in this Part, maim'd and 
defective, and bloated and swell'd in that. They would 
find likewise, that they have given themselves and others a 
great deal of unnecessary Fatigue and Perplexity: Weary- 
ing themselves and tormenting others, by making those 
Things Duties which God never requir'd, and forbidding 
those things which God never prohibited: Perplexing them- 
selves and all around them with infinite Doubts and Fears, 
without any Foundation: Leading Men into the most loosing 
Labyrinths, for which there can be no Clue found, but in 
the Traces of their own maz'd Brain. 

Therefore, How needful is it that we be well acquainted 
with the Scriptures, inform'd in the Religion of Jesus, con 


form'd to the Example of Christ and his Apostles? There 

we shall see the Nature and Design of Christianity 

To bring Glory to God in the highest, Peace and 

Good-will to Men. That God's Glory and his Good 

his Duty and Interest Piety and Pleasure, can never 

be sundered. 

He will find, that in order to an Action's being term'd 
really religious, the Principle from which, and the End for 
which it is done, is much more to be considered, than whether 
it commonly fall under the Denomination of Devotion, Busi 
ness, or Diversion; for they are all at one Time or other 
our Duty: And the doing our Duty from a good Princi- 
ple and for a right End, must be term'd religious acting. 
Eating and Drinking are natural and sensible Actions, but 
when we eat and drink to the Glory of God, they are to 
be considered as religious, i Cor. x. 31. and that not only 
when Men eat and drink the meanest for Quality and the 
least for Quantity that can support them in the Service of 
God and Society; but when they have a rich and plentiful 
Collation: As at Cana of Galilee, they had a Plenty of 
rich Wines miraculously provided by Christ himself, who 
made one of the Company at this chearful Entertainment: 
This was at a Wedding, which is not every Day. "No 
"Man should make Sports his Business, nor Pastimes his 
"Employment, no more than Cordials his Drink, or Sauces 
"his Meat." This destroys the very Notion of Diversion. 
Says Mr. Loch, "Some Men may be said never to divert 
"themselves, they can't turn aside from Business, for they 
never do any." To every Thing there is a Season, Eccl. 
iii. 1, 4. 

Should we not always in every Enterprize wish for the 
Presence and Blessing of Christ? Methinks those who 
love and adore the blessed Jesus, should desire to see him 
every where, and in every Thing! who calls for our Devo- 
tion and allows our Diversion! who procured Peace and 
Pleasure for wretched sinful Men! Don't I owe a grateful 
Sense of the Grace and Favour of my Benefactor, in the 


Enjoyment of every Blessing? This gives a Gust to every 
Enjoyment, our tasting the Sweetness of Christ in them 

We consider him as Mediator of the Covenant of 

Grace, and when we see every Thing convey'd from God 

to us by him, then we have a real Relish for them 

There is no suitable solid Satisfaction in any temporal 
Good, but as the Gift of God thro' Christ. This every 

good Man, in a good Frame finds and feels "Business 

"and Diversions, Cities and Palaces, with their various 
"Ornaments; Fields and Groves; Spring, Summer, 
"and Autumn, with all their flowry Beauties and tasteful 
"Blessings, are some of the Delights of the Sons of Men. 
"Books and Learning, and polite Company, and refin'd 
"Science, are the more elegant Joys of ingenious Spirits: 
"These are enticing Gratifications of the Senses or the 
"Mind of Man; they are all innocent in themselves, they 
"may be sanctified to divine Purposes, and afford double 
"Satisfaction if God be among them: But if God be absent, 
"if he hide his Face or frown upon the Soul, not Palaces 
"nor Groves, nor Fields, nor Business, nor Diversion, nor 
"all the flowry or tasteful Blessings of Spring or Summer, 
"nor the more refin'd Joys of Books and Learning, and 
elegant Company; not all the rich Provision of Nature and 
"Art, can entertain or refresh, can satisfy or please the 

"Soul of a Christian when smitten with the 

"Love of God. 

To conclude, Let us ever remember that we and all we 
have, is God's, and that we are accountable to him for our 
Improvement of all, and depend on Christ for our Accep- 
tance with him in all. 


3 E happy Fields, unknown to Noise 
Hii! and Strife, 

The kind Kewarders of industrious 

Ye shady Woods where once I us'd to rove, 

To think for Men, and praise the GOD 
above ; 

Ye murmuring Streams that in Meanders 

The sweet Composers of the pensive Soul, 

Farewell.— The City calls me from your 
Bowers ; 

Farewell amusing Tho'ts and peaceful 



Cfje <§iotoeU garb 

By Clarence M. Platts 

^y IXTY-THREE years prior to April 18, 1906, steps 
jy t were taken by some residents of Manchester Cen- 
d ^ ter and North Londonderry to purchase land so 
located that it should furnish additional room for burial 
purposes otherwise than was afforded by the old Manches- 
ter Center yard. A subscription paper was circulated by 
Nathan Johnson, Sr., bearing date of April 18, 1840, a 
copy of which is given below: 

"We, the subscribers, promise to pay to Nathan John- 
son or Bearer the sum of $15.00 for the purpose of paying 
for land for a graveyard to be located near Thomas Chase's 
and we furthermore promise said Johnson to bear our 
equal proportion in building a wall around said yard and in 
paying for the same." 

To this are appended the names of nineteen men and 
one woman: 

Moses Noys, born ; died, September 29, i860; 

buried in Londonderry, N. H. 

Josiah Stowell, born April 3, 1779; died in Hudson, 
Mich., 1873. 

Stilman Simonds, lived at Brick House, 1840; used it 
for a Tavern; died in New Boston, N. H. 

James M. Gregg, born in 1809; died in Manchester, 
April 9, 1862. 

Johnson Morse, born in 1795; died in Manchester, 
February 12, 1865. 

John Proctor, born in 1779; died in Manchester in 

Simon Haselton; died in Chester, N. H. 


Joshua Webster, born in 1797; died in Auburn, Octo- 
ber 4, 1865; buried in Center yard. 

John G. Webster, born in 1805; died in Manchester, 

Israel Webster, born in 1805; died in Manchester in 

Thomas Chase, born in 1784; died in Manchester, 
April ii, 1859. 

Hannah J. Conant; died in Manchester, August 20, 
1847, aged 50 years. 

James M. Webster, born in 1808; died in Manchester 
in 1889, 

Nathan Johnson, Sr., born in 1775; one of the oldest 
men, buried in 1842. 

Col. Francis Manter, born in Londonderry in 1797; 
died in March, 1888. 

Samuel Manter, born in Londonderry in 1799; died in 
Londonderry in 1893. 

Capt. Benjamin Corning, born in Derryfield in 1787; 
died in Manchester in i860. 

Edward C. Clark, born in 18 10; died in Londonderry 
in 1862. 

Nathaniel Corning, born in Derryfield, in 1803; died 
in Manchester in 1883. 

George Manter, born in Plymouth, Mass., in 1768; (the 
oldest subscriber) died in Londonderry in i860. 

June 4, 1840, for the consideration of $15.00, Josiah 
Stowell conveyed by warrantee deed, for the above-named 
purposes, a certain tract of land bounded and described as 
follows, to wit: 

"Beginning at a stake and stones at the road near 
Thomas Chase's house and running South Westerly 12 R. 
and 16 L. to stake and stones: thence North Westerly 12 
R. and 16 L. to stake and stones: thence North Easterly 
12 R. and 16 L. to stake and stones standing by the road: 
thence South Easterly, by this road 12 R. and 16 L. to 


bounds began at and intending to convey one acre by 
measure for the purpose of a graveyard only, and the con- 
dition is that the same is to be fenced in a good and proper 
manner by the above named Proprietors or their Associates, 
heirs or assigns and I do hereby myself, my heirs and 
executors and assigns reserve one undivided twentieth part 
of said land subject to the same liabilities as those names 
above and for the same purpose and that only. 


"Galen Merian. 
"Jonas B. Bowman. 


"Justice of the Peace." 

The land was then laid out into four tiers of lots by 
James M. Gregg (who at one time owned the Webster 
Mills) with a main drive cut through the center east and 
west. The outside rows on the north and south side of 
the yard were reserved for those desiring single lots and 
the poor. 

Substantial wooden hubs were driven at the corners 
of the lots. 

October 12 of the same year, twenty-eight men assem- 
bled by appointment with eight yoke of oxen to enclose 
the tract with a substantial stone wall. The stone was 
drawn from a distance. October 13, twenty-three men 
and ten yoke of oxen are credited with being present. 
October 14, twenty men and nine yoke of oxen. On Octo- 
ber 15, the work being well under way, but four men and 
one yoke of oxen are credited with work. Again, October 
19, three men. October 20, my grandfather, Francis Man 
ter, with two men and a yoke of oxen, finished the job 
which included making and hanging the gate. It was 
replaced about thirty years ago by a new one. One hun- 
dred and ten days' work, including twenty-three days of ox- 
teaming are credited at 92 cents per day of not less than 


ten hours. Each proprietor is charged $5.89 as his 
twentieth part of the expenses. Francis Manteris credited 
with twenty-one days' work. The expense on the gate was 
$4.83. October 19, John Proctor is credited with the work 
of three yoke of oxen. 

Soon after the work was finished on the yard, a meet- 
ing of the proprietors was held at Colonel Stowell's house. 
He then lived at the Sawyer Corner. Stillman Symonds 
was running a tavern at the old brick house at that time. 
Francis Manter presided at the meeting and was elected 
treasurer, and John Goffe Webster, clerk. No superin- 
tendent was chosen. This was the last official meeting of 
the proprietors. 

Subsequently, lots were chosen by the proprietors as 
occasion demanded. 

The first person buried in the yard was Henrietta E. 
Stowell, wife of Colonel Stowell. She died in 1840, aged 
36 years and 6 months. The family then lived at Sawyer 
Corner. A procession was formed of friends and mourn- 
ers, who marched to the grave. 

Three monuments marked empty graves: Jessie 
Chapin, April 16, 1834, age 72 years; Hannah Chapin, the 
same day, age 68 years; Mary Brown, May 2, 1834, all of 
whom died of smallpox at the Brick House and were buried 
northeast of the house, the place inclosed with stone wall 
and monuments erected. A subsequent owner removed 
the walls and monuments and plowed over the place. The 
monuments were taken and set up in the Stowell yard. 

There are two soldiers of 181 2 buried in the yard: 
Col. Francis Manter, born December 2, 1797, died March 
12, 1888; Richard Perry, who died December 22, 1865, 
aged 87 years, 8 months, 19 days. 

The following soldiers of the Civil War are interred 
in this yard: 

Dr. George W. Manter, surgeon, Third Regiment New 
Hampshire Volunteers; died July 7, 1870, in Wellfleet, 


Thomas B. Platts, Fourth Regiment, New Hampshire 
Volunteers, Company K.; died in Manchester November 
ii, 1887, aged 62 years. 

Nahum A. Webster, First Heavy Artillery, New 
Hampshire Volunteers; died October 4, 1872, aged 28 
years, 1 month, 6 days. 

John Hatch, Seventh Regiment, New Hampshire 
Volunteers; born September 28, 18 — ; died May 6, 1895. 

Edward C. Clark, Fifteenth Regiment, New Hamp- 
shire Volunteers; died in Londonderry, 1869, aged 59 
years, 6 months, 9 days. 

Charles R. Clark, Fifteenth Regiment, New Hamp- 
shire Volunteers; born June 18, 1818; died May 31, 1889. 

Elijah A. Morse, Second Regiment, New Hampshire 
Volunteers; died October 16, 1880, aged 46 years, 3 

Everett Stevens, First Heavy Artillery, New York; 
died October 16, 1869, aged 37 years, 5 months. 

Besides the above there were two sons of Edward C. 
Clark who were buried in the Grandison Moss lot, but we 
have no definite information in regard to them. 

It is estimated that there are over three hundred per- 
sons buried in the Stowell yard, though less than one-half 
are marked with monuments. An effort is being made to 
locate the unmarked graves, and it is hoped that any per- 
son having such information will make it known. As there 
are no official records of the persons buried, either in the 
hands of the city or the proprietors, it is a matter of 
importance that all such information should be gathered 
and preserved. We have examined such records as can be 
found, which include probate, city, town and private 
records, and are preparing a list of such names, which will 
be published a little later, and shall be pleased to receive 
any corrections or additions; only bear in mind, it is much 
less trouble to find errors in the work of another in single 
instances than to furnish a more accurate list. 


Sixty-three years had come and gone, bringing great 
changes. The only care it received was that given by 
individual effort. The walls had many breaks, the monu- 
ments were badly out of line, many of them having fallen 
and in some instances buried from sight. It was only 
when another weary traveler was taken to his or her last 
resting-place in the old yard that the living were reminded 
of its neglected condition. Fifteen of the original propri- 
etors were sleeping in the Stowell yard, together with their 
wives, many of their children and children's children. 

June 3, 1903, a meeting of the legal representatives of 
the proprietors was held at city hall, Manchester, agreeable 
to notice. Clarence M. Platts was elected chairman; F. A. 
Platts, clerk; R. M. Corning, superintendent of the yard. 
A board of directors was also chosen and a committee 
appointed: Dr. George W. Manter, Lyman A. Dickey, Mrs. 
Luther S. Proctor and C. M. Platts to confer with the city 
government in regard to placing the yard under city care. 
Little encouragement was found in this direction. Some 
gentlemen interested in the improvement of the yard have 
acquired by bond or purchase a large tract of land adjoin- 
ing the north side of the Stowell yard. Papers are being 
circulated to obtain subscriptions of money to pay for the 
land and make needed improvements. With the addition 
of land and the natural advantages (the Manter and Giles 
brooks run through the tract, insuring a permanent water 
supply), we believe the Stowell yard will become one of the 
most beautiful and attractive cemeteries in Manchester. 
If the yard is not taken under city care, it is proposed to 
incorporate and run it as an independent yard, with pro- 
visions for care of the yard and individual lots. 

Mvt anb Bvtim in j^ancijesiter 

By A Staff Contributor 

No one regrets more than the compiler of the following sketches the 
injustice done the subjects through inadequate information regarding sev- 
eral of the persons mentioned. Credit is due to the local press for much 
of the material offered, and also to the notes and manuscripts of at least 
two of the artists named. — Editor. 

C7ti RT and literature have never seemed to an outsider 
2~j| to be terms in harmony with the spirit of our city, 
™^ known far and wide as a manufacturing center. 
The noisy struggle of tumbling waters has never seemed 
conducive to either, calling rather to the strong arm of 
industrial enterprises and sending out into the world the 
representatives of crafts that would crush the finer gifts of 
man. Still it is doubtful if there is a place of its size in 
this country that has given encouragement and patronage 
to so many artists of high reputation, both local and 
national. A writer in speaking of this fact has aptly said: 

"Not only have these artists won success and fame, 
but they have demonstrated that theirs was the skill that 
survives the mutations of time. In selecting from the list 
some of the best-known names, it will be seen that the 
profession of art and science has been advanced in its most 
important lines. The beautiful art of wood engraving 
owes much to the skill and genius of those who have once 
made Manchester their home. The landscape painter, 
the portrait artist and the draughtsman have all added to 
the state's reputation, while science has been promoted by 
those who at one time had studios in the Queen City." 

Our list begins with that veteran artist and inventor, 
who was for a considerable period associated with life in 
our city, Samuel Finley Breeze Morse. He was the eldest 



son of Rev. Jedidah Morse, the noted geographer, and was 
born in Charlestown, Mass., April 23, 1791. He died in 
New York, April 2, 1872, enjoying such high honors as fall 
to few of his fellow men. He was educated largely under 
the private instruction of his learned father, and graduated 
from Yale College in 1810. The following year he went 
to England to engage in the study of art under the instruc- 
tion of Washington Alliston and Benjamin West, the last 
the most popular painter of the day. The young student 
received as his first honors a gold medal from the Adelphi 
Society for his model of "A Dying Hercules." Returning 
to this country in 181 5, he made a study tour of New 
Hampshire and Vermont, locating for a while in Concord 
and Portsmouth. In 18 18 he again visited our state, paint- 
ing this time in Walpole, Concord and Portsmouth. In 
Concord he met and married Miss Lucretia P. Walker, 
who became such an inspiration and helper in his work 
that at the time of her untimely death, in 1824, it was 
feared that he would abandon entirely his high calling. 
After having made extended tours in the south, he located 
in New York city, where he was largely instrumental in 
establishing "The National Academy of Design." In 1825 
we find him located in West Manchester, where he painted 
for a considerable time. Here he became acquainted with 
the rising artist, Mr. John Rand, who later became his 
companion in the pursuit of art studies in London. 

During his art career, Morse was at intervals engaged 
in several inventions, only one of which, the telegraph, 
resulted in fame and fortune. After his first rude concep- 
tion of this, in 1832, it was nearly thirty-five years of trial 
and alternate hope and disappointment, ere he reached 
ultimate and complete success in 1866. 

John Rand was celebrated both as a portrait painter 
and as an inventor of the compressible paint tube now used 
for pigments all over the world. He was born in Bedford 
in 1 801, and when about twenty years old was a fellow- 
apprentice with the late Rev. C. W. Wallace in painting 


and finishing furniture. About the year 1825 he began his 
first attempts at art, and received some assistance from 
Mr. Morse, the celebrated artist and inventor of the tele- 
graph, who was then painting in West Manchester. 

Rand soon after went to Boston and, like his friend 
and teacher, made professional winter trips to Charleston, 
S. C, and other southern cities. His first visit to Europe 
was made about the year 1834, and he established himself 
as a portrait artist in London and Paris. 

His invention of the screw-top paint tube was made 
about the year 1836, but this grand and invaluable gift to 
art passed from his hands without his realizing the princely 
fortune that was in it. Winsor and Newton, the great 
paint manufacturers of London, controlled the invention at 
first, and it was generally known in this country about the 
year 1840. 

Rand returned to his native country about 1848, and 
soon established himself in New York city, following his 
favorite line of portraiture. He was highly esteemed by 
his brother artists. He lived at Roslyn, L. L, where he 
had for a neighbor and friend the poet Bryant. He died 
in 1873, leaving relatives in Manchester. Several exam- 
ples of his portraits have been exhibited in the collections 
of the Art Association. 

In 1842 Israel Endicott established himself in a hum- 
ble studio on Pine street, west of Tremont square. Mr. 
Endicott was known to his acquaintances as "The Captain," 
from the fact that he had left the post of captain of a 
coast-wise vessel, at Danvers or vicinity, to try his hand 
at the palette. He was a very enterprising and spirited 
practitioner, who prepared his own convases from good 
cotton drilling, ground his own colors, from necessity, as 
tubes were then unknown here. Only a few flesh tints 
were available, and these had to be kept from the air in oil 
silk receptacles. Background and drapery colors were pre- 
pared in a common painter's hand mill, and had to be 
applied in a rapid way. Yet, with these limitations, Mr. 


Endicott executed work that was a credit to his amateur 
experience, especially if it is considered that his only brush 
for detail work consisted of a common camel's hair quill 
pencil. Many specimens of his art still exist in the city. 

Two brothers, Walter and George Ingalls, soon fol- 
lowed in the art history of the city. They came here 
about 1847, making portraiture their line of work. Not 
much is known of them or the quality of their work, as 
they were here only for a brief time. 

Haynes was another artist of those early days, and 
his work, some of which is to be found in the older fam- 
ilies, was of a higher order than is usually found in the 
country. He painted largely among the families identified 
with the corporations. 

J. H. Knowlton had a studio in Union Block in 1843, 
and many of his portraits are found among the families of 
our older residents. He soon drifted into other fields of 
enterprise, to neglect his native art gift, which was of an 
unusually high order. 

Thomas Bayley Lawson, born in Newburyport, Mass., 
January 13, 1807, and educated in the public schools of 
that city, with a course in the National Art Academy, New 
York city, was a portrait painter who made Manchester his 
home about this time for quite a period. He painted many 
famous men, among whom may be mentioned Daniel Web- 
ster, the original now in Boston; Franklin Pierce, Memorial 
Hall, Bowdoin College, Me.; William Lloyd Garrison and 
Caleb Cushing, at Newburyport Public Library; Henry 
Clay, James Freeman Clarke, Benjamin Cheney, the 
mayors of Lowell, and others, about two thousand por- 
traits in all. He died in Lowell, Mass., June 5, 1888. 

Ulysses D. Tenney is so well known to the Manchester 
public that both himself and his work as a portrait artist need 
no lengthened introduction. He was a thorough New Hamp- 
shire man, both in lineage and spirit, was born in Hanover, 
April 8, 1826, where he resided until the age of twenty. 
He began his art studies at the age of seventeen, and at 


nineteen commenced the coloring of his portraits, under 
the direction of R. T. Smith, Adnah Tenney, and Francis 
Alexander of Bpston, with some supplementary aid from 
George A. Baker of New York. He came to Manchester 
in 1849, and here kept his studio for fourteen years. After- 
wards he spent his time between Hanover, Concord and 
New Haven, until 1874, when he returned to this state, 
settling at Portsmouth. The last twenty years were 
divided between this city, Concord and Portsmouth. Mr. 
Tenney's family has generally been located at New Haven; 
in the vicinity of that city he has a son and daughter, the 
former being a physician with a pleasant family and a suc- 
cessful practice. 

The great success of Mr. Tenney as a colorist has 
given his portraits a deserved and wide-spread popularity. 
A large number of his works are to be seen at the state 
capitol at Concord, representing men celebrated in the 
civic and political life of the state. Mr. Tenney has painted, 
among others, the following whole-length portraits of cele- 
brated statesmen: Hon. John P. Hale, Gen. John A. Dix, 
Hon. Dexter Richards, and ex-President Pierce. Also Gen. 
John Stark for the city of Manchester, Prof. Benjamin 
Silliman, and the following ex-Governors of New Hamp- 
shire, Moody Currier, Frederick Smyth, James A. Weston 
and Benjamin F. Harris. The portrait gallery at Hanover 
also contains many of his works. 

George Derby, a young and enthusiastic artist, set up 
his easel in the city about fifty years ago. His art experi- 
ence here was of short duration, for after a few months he 
left for other fields, much to the regret of his friends, who 
saw in him great possibilities. 

Adnah Tenney born in Hanover in 1810, a relative and 
instructor of Ulysses D. Tenney, was located here a short 
time about 1845 and again in 1872, when he painted some 
of our foremost citizens; the late Governor Straw being one 
of them. This artist had native powers of a high order, 
and his work showed firmness and originality of handling. 


George D. Fuller established himself here as a por- 
trait and general artist about twenty-five years ago, and 
painted portraits of some of our best-known citizens. 
Among these is the portrait of former Mayor John Hosley, 
in the city library. Mr. Fuller divided his time between 
painting portraits and teaching. 

William H. Hanley came from Nashua to this city 
about the year 1850. He made a very good drawing of his 
subjects, much of his work being done in crayon. He was 
quite an adept in securing a likeness of his subject, whether 
the medium was oil or crayon. Several of his portraits in 
oil are hung in the parlors of the early families and are 
highly esteemed. He came to the states from the British 

William H. Kimball was in these early days a minia- 
ture painter of merit, his work being done on ivory. His 
time was for a period divided between editorial duties on 
the Manchester Democrat and the fine arts. Mr. Kimball 
was well educated, of high mental endowment, and had he 
given his energies solely to art he would have made a name 
of great repute in that direction. He finally became libra- 
rian of the state library at Concord. 

Among those who claim Manchester as their place of 
nativity, few have achieved wider success in his particular 
line of work than Mr. A. B. Shute, the son of George C. 
Shute of this city. Mr. Shute was born in 1850, August 
8, and after leaving the Manchester high school he was for 
three years in the employ of the Print Works, ''sketch 
making." Following this he studied wood engraving, and 
then went to Boston, where he was employed a couple of 
years. He then gave this up and has since been occupied 
in drawing and painting, his illustrations being found in 
many of the books put out by the publishers of the past 
few years. 

Here in Manchester, and, indeed, almost everywhere, 
Henry W. Herrick is so well known, both by the work of 
his brush and graver, that it seems like repeating what is 


already a part of the art history of the city. Mr. Herrick 
began his art career at a time when it meant a good deal to 
start out hoping to win a path to fame. It meant hard 
work and untiring toil for years. Although the field was 
new and wide, the public was not then prepared to appre- 
ciate even the higher touch of skill, and the choice of art 
as a life work involved determination and untiring applica- 
tion. The man who took up the brush must cross swords 
with many obstacles, but when once the first determined 
steps had advanced the young artist firmly on his course, 
the future was sure to bring recognition and reward. Mr. 
Herrick had the courage and the skill, and might well have 
looked with satisfaction upon the results achieved. 

Henry W. Herrick was born in Hopkinton, August 
23, 1824. His ancestors settled in Salem, Mass., in 1629. 
His father, Israel E. Herrick, was a country merchant and 
lumber dealer. 

In early life the son became interested in the art of 
engraving, studying mostly by himself, and a little later 
worked for some two years in Concord and Manchester. 
He afterwards went to New York and studied in the 
National Academy. While in New York, Mr. Herrick 
executed commissions for the Harpers, Appletons, and also 
for the American Tract Society, as well as making designs 
for the American Bank Note Company and the Imperial 
Bank of Russia. In 1865 Mr. Herrick removed to Man- 
chester, but continued to work for New York houses. 
After this he took up the brush again and made that 
branch of art his principal occupation. Many of his best 
works are owned by well-known residents and may be seen 
in the homes of art lovers beyond the limits of the 

Mr. Herrick was prominently identified with the Man- 
chester Art Association. Deeply imbued with the interest 
of the early history of our city, it was natural that he 
should be greatly interested in the work of The Manches- 
ter Historic Association, and in connection with the 


memoirs of our deceased members a more extended biog- 
raphy of him will be given. 

Edward L. Custer was born in Basel, Switzerland, 
January 24, 1837. He came to America with his parents 
when nine years old, lived in Syracuse, N. Y., a short time, 
then the family moved to Manchester. While at school he 
delighted his playmates by his pencilings. He had inher- 
ited imitative powers and an intuitive feeling for art. 
Some of his pictures of farm-yards and other rural scenes, 
done while an untaught boy of twelve, are still preserved 
by the family. Though, of necessity crude, they are strik- 
ingly natural in tone and action. He went to Europe in 
i860 and studied at the Royal Academy in Munich and 
Dusseldorf, mostly under the tuition of Steffan, an original 
and powerful painter of landscapes. In 1863 he married 
Miss Ruth A. Porter, a lady who was held in high esteem 
as a successful teacher in the public schools of Manchester, 
and settled in Boston, Mass. He painted both landscapes 
and portraits, and always found purchasers and sitters with- 
out solicitation. His portraits were uniformly good like- 
nesses, for no man was more accurate in the observation of 
traits, or more faithful in their reproduction. He had the 
genius of patience and attention, and his power of concen- 
tration kept him alike from the sentimental and the over- 
emphatic style of treatment. It was wonderful to see how 
he could look into a faded photograph and discern the 
character and lineaments of a deceased subject. Some of his 
pictures made in that way were almost startling to friends, 
who could scarcely believe that the painter had never seen the 
original among the living. Though excelling in portraiture, 
he was a master of landscape, figure, fruit and animal 
painting. In 1870 he went abroad again with his wife, and 
spent a year in devoted study. On his return his work 
began to exhibit a style and vigor beyond the expectations 
of his best friends. His portraits of men of character and 
eminence were greatly admired. Among them may be 
mentioned Judges Hoar, Aldrich, Allen, and Bacon, Mr. 


Haven, the eminent antiquarian, and Hon. Stephen Salis- 
bury. He was also very happy in the pictures of child- 
hood, combining natural expression with intuitive grace, 
setting off the figures with charming freshly studied back- 

His death occurred January 9, 1881, causing deep and 
heartfelt sorrow to a wide circle of friends and admirers. 
The world lost an accomplished artist and a genial and 
high-minded man. 

John Badger Bachelder was born in Gilmanton, N. H., 
in September, 1825, and died at Hyde Park, Mass., Decem- 
ber 22, 1894. His early life was passed in his native town, 
where he received the rudiments of his education. He 
began to show skill in drawing when quite young, and 
though his success in that direction was somewhat over- 
shadowed by his reputation as a historian, it will be seen 
that the last rested largely upon his talent as an artist. 
His masterpiece, though unfortunately left unfinished, was 
his "Battle of Gettysburg." 

Almost immediately after the battle, he visited the 
field and began collecting the facts and writing out the his- 
tory of the decisive conflict. By traversing the field thor- 
oughly year after year, and by personal interviews with the 
soldiers on both sides in the battle, he had become more 
familiar than any one else with the topography of the field 
and the various positions held by the different corps, divis- 
ions, brigades and regiments. He was thus invaluable in 
planning and locating the many state and regimental monu- 
ments that have been erected on the field, and in escorting 
to the chief points of interest the many bodies of veterans 
and distinguished persons who have visited the scene. 

He designed the historical painting of the battle, and 
the one depicting the "Last Hours of Lincoln." Besides 
his general history he was the author of "Gettysburg: 
What To See and How To See It," "The Isometrical 
Drawing of the Battle of Gettysburg," "Descriptive Key 
to the Painting of Longstreet's Assault at Gettysburg," 


"Historical Painting of the Battle of Gettysburg," "The 
Illustrated Tourists' Guide," of which several editions 
were published. 

Manchester has an interest in this artist-historian from 
the fact that he had a studio in Tewksbury Block in 1854, 
1855, 1856, and a part of 1857, during which period he was 
engaged in painting a series of New England scenes, which 
he grouped under the title of "Gallery of Cities," embrac- 
ing Haverhill, Lowell, Lawrence, and others, including 
Manchester. His pictures of this city were "Manchester 
in 1854," a reduced copy of which has been published in the 
Collections of the Manchester Historic Association, a paint- 
ing of Amoskeag Falls in 1855, and that still more famous 
picture of the muster of the firemen upon Merrimack 
Common, September 16, 1859. 

Mr. Bachelder received the title of Colonel for service 
in the militia prior to the Civil War. He was a man of 
tall, commanding appearance, a fluent talker and well 
informed. His wife was a sister of the wife of Hon. Benja- 
min F. Butler. 

J. Warren Thyng, who for twelve years has been 
Director of Art Instruction in the Manchester public 
schools, comes from an ancestry that belonged to the early 
settlers of the state, his name being but a different form of 
spelling that of Tyng, noted among the pioneers of the 
Merrimack Valley. His direct ancestors were among the 
first permanent settlers in the town of Exeter, in 1670. 
His paternal grandfather moved from that place to Lake 
Village when that beautiful suburb of the city of Laconia 
contained but four houses. Here Mr. Thyng was born, but 
when a young man he went to Boston and New York, 
where he studied the technique of his art under such 
artists as George L. Brown, F. E. Church, George Innis 
and William Hart, and at National Academy. In 1872 he 
accepted the directorship of the state art school in Salem, 
Mass. Eleven years later he went to Akron, Ohio, where 
he was supervisor of art work in the schools for seven 


years, founding during the time the Akron School of 

His love for his native state caused him to return to 
New Hampshire and he located in Manchester in 1891, 
taking charge of the art department of the Manchester 
Union, which position he held until he was unanimously 
called to take charge of art instruction in our public 
schools. Even while in Ohio he prepared with brush and 
pen a work upon Winnipesaukee, its history, tradition and 
pictures, which had a wide sale. He has done work for 
Harper Brothers, having been for many years special artist 
for Harper's Weekly, and other New York publishers. 
The poet Whittier, who evinced a warm friendship for 
him, in speaking of his painting of Lake Winnipesaukee 
said, "Thy beautiful picture is the best I have seen of the 
lake." Another, eminently qualified to criticise his work, 
has aptly said: 

"His pictures indicate a wide range of achievement, 
and that, too, within the limits of Nature's quieter moods. 
It is ever a pleasure and privilege to look over his portfolios 
of sketches. They are full of suggestions dear to every 
lover of nature. 

"There are pictures which call to memory rambles 
through the flower-dotted grass of June, the air full of fra- 
grance, vibrant with the soft adagio of the winds among 
odorous pines, or the babbling lullaby of mountain brooks, 
pictures of shaded streams dim with the twilight of over- 
hanging trees, where the speckled trout lurk beneath the 
rocks; pictures of ragged mountain sides, where not so long 
ago bears might have had their home; pictures of the lake 
at all times of the day, some with soft, blurred shadows 
made by the level light of dawn, some with the glare of the 
noonday in them, and others sweet with the illusory charm 
of twilight. There pictures of farmhouses nestling among 
great maples, of country roadways, of woodland paths, 
dainty bits of mountain and lake scenery, drawn with a 
vital touch and extraordinary facility of expressing with a 
few touches the boundless variety and beauty of nature." 


In the odd moments that Mr. Thyng has snatched 
from the routine of a busy life, he has drawn for the Gran- 
ite State Magazine, for which he has shown a deep inter- 
est as coming within the scope of his own love for the 
picturesque charms of outdoor life in his native state. 
Among the subjects which he has accompanied by grace- 
ful descriptions from his pen are "The Old Blacksmith 
Shop," "Asquam," "Cot in the Valley," "Wreck of the 
Belknap," "Old School-House," "Chocorua from the Saco," 
"Lake Winnipesaukee and Mount Belknap," "Old Marble- 
head," "Whittier's Favorite View of Mount Chocorua," 
"Baston's Mill," and "Pictures from Picture Land." The 
great magazines of New York cannot boast of better work 
than these from his brush and pen. 

Mr. Thyng has shown himself master of the art of 
etching, happier examples being hard to find than "Asquam" 
and "Baston's Mill." The schools of Manchester are 
indeed fortunate in having so gifted an artist and capable 
an instructor as this artist-author. 

In the words of one of the leading masters of our 

"A life seems to be infused into the work that all 
instructors do not have the power to impart. His instruc- 
tion is of a high order. 

"Mr. Thyng is high in the ranks of Masonry and is 
widely known and highly esteemed, and by his character 
and devotion to his friends, attracts and keeps the friend- 
ship and affection that are lasting with all who are favored 
with his companionship." 

Frank French was born in Loudon, this state, in 1850, 
and showed in early life a marked talent for drawing. The 
death of his parents, when he was fourteen, breaking up 
the family circle, he went to live for a time with relatives 
in Pittsfield. Thus the little studio at the old farmhouse, 
in the formation of which he had been largely assisted by 
an older sister, like himself gifted with art, was closed. 


He came to Manchester in 1869 and, meeting Mr. 
Henry W. Herrick, who was then in this city doing work 
for New York publishers, he was encouraged to begin 
drawing on a wider scale than he had yet been able to do. 
His first venture was to do simple drawing and engraving 
for the Mirror and Farmer. In 1 87 1 he showed his 
earnestness of purpose by starting the Manchester Art Asso- 
ciation, in connection with W. W. Colburn, the principal 
of the high school. About two years later, he secured a 
place in the engraving department of the American Tract 
Society, New York. He entered upon this broader scope 
of work with the enthusiasm and energy which has charac- 
terized his busy life, and in two or three years he was pro- 
ducing the class of work for which the great magazines of 
New York have become famous. As well as being an 
artist, Mr. French has a happy command of descriptive 
language, and his drawings largely from nature have been 
frequently accompanied by his own text for Scribner's 
Magazine, The Century, Harpers, Outing, The Delineator, 
Appletorts and the Lotus Magazine. 

Thus for twenty years he continued to ply his pencil 
and graver in the thick of the fight, until about a year ago 
he returned to the scenes of the beginning of his art 
career. Here, in Pickering Block, his accomplished daugh- 
ter, Mabel Edna French, following the profession of her 
father, has opened a "Studio of Fine Arts," and will from 
time to time, bring to this city works of the best living 
American painters and sculptors, in the hope of contrib- 
uting to the cultivation of a taste for that which is worthy 
in art. 

Mr, French has been highly honored in his profession, 
having been awarded a bronze medal at the World's Colum- 
bian Exposition at Chicago, in 1893; a silver medal at the 
Pan-American Exhibition at Buffalo; a gold medal at the 
Louisiana Purchase Exhibition at St. Louis. He was on the 
jury of selection for art at each of these exhibitions, receiv- 
ing, besides the medals for the excellence of his exhibits, a 


commemorative gold medal for service during the Louisiana 
Purchase Exhibition. He is a member of the Kit-Kat and 
Salamagunda Clubs ot New York, and has been a member 
of the Board of Control of the Artists' Fund Society for 
several years. He is also a member of the New England 
Society of East Orange, N. J., and of the Art Institute of 
Manchester, N. H. He has for some time made a specialty 
of portraits and miniature work, and has painted the por- 
traits of several noted people in New York and Wash- 

Mr. French married, in 1875, Miss Alice H. Hendricks 
of Brooklyn, N. Y. Besides the daughter mentioned they 
have a son, Frank, Jr., a resident of this city. 

Lizzie McCrillis Foster, the daughter of John B. and 
Mary Kilgore McCrillis, was born in Manchester and edu- 
cated in the public schools of this city, graduating from the 
high school in the class of '72. She studied flower paint- 
ing under George L. Seavey of Boston; Mr. Leavitt, the 
distinguished fruit painter, of Providence; E. L. Chaloner 
and H. W. Rice, of Boston, in water colors. She also 
received instruction from Franz A. Bischoff, one of the 
finest china decorators in the country; and in figure paint- 
ing on china from Mrs. L. Vance Phillips of New York. 
In addition to the instruction received from these sources, 
she attended a course of lectures by Henry W. Herrick, 
which she considers of greater value. 

In 1876 she began painting on china with Miss Lucretia 
Manahan, and later, when this association was broken, she 
continued to paint in her chosen line of work, having now 
a studio at her home, 520 Beech street. She married, Feb- 
ruary 18, 1881, her classmate in the high school, Mr. John 

Helen L. Squire, the daughter of Ami C. and Eliz- 
abeth M. Squire, was born in Sutton, P. O., of English 
parentage, but came to Manchester upon finishing her 
academical education, where she began the study of art, 
for which she had shown an early aptitude. In order to 


receive a broader and more comprehensive knowledge in 
her chosen profession, she later went to Boston, where she 
studied under the direction of George L. Seavey, the great 
flower painter, and Mr. Webber, the landscape painter. 
Later, returning to Manchester, she studied under Mr. 
Henry W. Herrick. 

While showing a decided talent in landscape painting, 
having produced several pieces in this line that are worthy 
of notice, as well as fruit pieces in oil, she has of late years 
made china painting her specialty, enjoying at this time a 
good patronage in this work. She has a studio at 323 
Hanover street, where she teaches a large class of pupils 
in the art beautiful. 

Miss M. Llewellyn Foster, although permanently iden- 
tified with Manchester artists, is of Southern birth. Ten 
years were passed in New York, for the purpose of study- 
ing the art of landscape painting in water colors and of 
figure drawing. Summers are passed at her studio in the 
Franconia Mountains, and winters are devoted exclusively 
to completing orders. 

Examples of her work are in the possession of the wife 
of the German Embassador, the Countess D'Anvers at 
Paris, Ella Wheeler Wilcox, and others whose opinion in 
matters of art are worthy of consideration. 

Book illustration has occupied considerable time, the 
subjects being our native wild flowers, drawn and painted 
from nature, several books owing their illustrative value 
to her skill. 

She is of the realistic school, and highly honored. 

Mrs. Maude Briggs Knowlton was born in Penacook, 
N. H., the daughter of Henry C. and Louisa Morgan 
Briggs. Her parents coming to this city when she was a 
child, she received the benefits of an education in our 
public schools. Her art training was secured in Boston, 
New York and Holland. In New York she was under the 
special instruction of Mrs. Rhoda Holmes Nicholls, one 
of the most gifted of figure, landscape and flower painters. 


Mrs. Knowlton has made a specialty of flowers in 
water colors, and among the treasures she has at her 
studio are beautiful paintings of old-fashioned flower gar- 
dens, where asters, marigolds and stately hollyhocks 
reigned supreme before the coming of the later-day 
queens, if more graceful yet lacking their hardy beauty. 
She is also skilled in figure drawing and landscapes, having 
many fine specimens of these. Mrs. Knowlton has also 
done considerable in miniatures on ivory for people in and 
out of the state. 

Specimens of her work have been exhibited in the New 
York Water Color Club and at other places of exhibition 
of art. She was united in marriage to Mr. Edward T. 
Knowlton, and has her studio at their home, No. 41 Brook 
street, where ample evidence of the skill of her brush and 
pencil is to be seen. 

Miss jane Cutter, who has a studio at No. 21 Charles- 
ton avenue of this city, was born in Manchester, was edu- 
cated in the public schools here, and is a true represent- 
ative of local art and artists. Her education and training 
in her special field of work, besides instruction received 
from Mr. J. Warren Thyng, was obtained largely under 
the direction of Mr. George H.Smillie of the National Acad- 
emy of New York. 

Among the many talented artists of whom Manchester 
can boast, Miss Cutter deserves high rank, both on 
account of the quality of her work and the local color 
of much that she does. Like several of the others of 
whom mention is made here, she has divided her talents 
with water color paintings and decorated china. Among 
the former class is a beautiful water color of Kimball's Point 
and "The Birches" at Lake Massabesic, and several land- 
scapes of the Franconia Mountaons. Her subjects are 
usually scenes in the country which she portrays with a 
marked fidelity to nature. She has also shown rare skill 
and taste in china and miniature painting. Flowers in 
natural designs and in the conventional style are very clev- 


erly done by her hand. She has conducted art exhibitions 
in the city, and exhibited elsewhere, always with many com- 
pliments for the specimens of art displayed by her. Besides 
her studio at home she has had a summer studio in North 
Woodstock in association with Miss M. Llewellyn Foster, 
for several years. 

At least two specimens of her work have been given 
in the Granite State Magazine, a pencil sketch of Mr. 
Thyng and a painting of the home of "Ocean Mary," in 
Henniker, which has called forth many favorable com- 

William E. Burbank, son of J. Oscar Burbank of this 
city, was born in Boston, October 6, 1866. His father 
moved to Manchester and established a well-known drug- 
store on Elm street, and young Burbank was early initiated 
into the mysteries of the business but, preferring art, he 
was at a schoolboy's age permitted to follow his inclina- 
tions. In 1887 he- entered a well-known art school in Bos- 
ton, where he remained three or four years. He continued 
his studies abroad in Paris in the years 1891-92, where he 
was connected with the School of Julien and the Govern- 
ment Art School, Beaux l'Ecole. Returning to this country 
in the year last mentioned, he engaged as tutor in the win- 
ter classes of the Boston Art Club and Cowle's Art School, 

Mr Burbank's favorite line of practice is figure draw- 
ing, both in portraiture and whole-length subjects, and he 
also has produced many still-life pieces and landscapes. 

He exhibits in Boston and Philadelphia galleries. He 
has now become closely identified with the art section of 
the Manchester Institute. 

William F. Herrick was a wood engraver in the city 
in 1846-47, when he went to New York for a year or two, 
subsequently finding his way to San Francisco, where he 
established himself as engraver for general commercial 
work until about 1855, when he became city editor of the 
Alta California. The paper being in the hands of cred- 


itors, Mr. Herrick was appointed receiver and manager. 
He afterwards entered the insurance business, in which he 
has been employed about forty years. 

Alonzo Bunton came to Manchester early in the 
50's, from Henniker, and attracted notice as a skillful 
musician in the City Band. He afterwards took up the 
gravers and boxwood, and ultimately became a very expert 
artist in bold commercial work in Boston. He was several 
years the principal engraver in New England for large 
posters used by the circuses and menageries, the work 
being cut on pine. 

J. Foster Cross began engraving in the city about the 
year 1863. He was a native of Hooksett, where he was 
born in 1846. After keeping an office in Wells' Block for 
two or three years, he went to New York, and in 1867 
changed his quarters to Boston, where he has since 
remained. He is especially skillful as an engraver of fine 
mechanical and commercial work. Mr. Cross was married 
in 1889, to Christine McPherson, and lives in Maiden, 

Henry Clay Cross, brother of the preceding, was born 
in Manchester in 1852, and studied engraving with his 
brother, and about twenty-five years since established him- 
self in Boston as engraver, the firm being the well-known 
Kilburn & Cross. He is widely known as a very expert 
artist and engraver, having been employed on the best 
New York magazines and holiday publications. Mr. Cross 
married Elizabeth M. Eames, in 1890, and lives in Maiden, 

Stephen Greeley Putnam, born in Nashua, October 
24, 1852, studied engraving on wood with Frank French, 
in the publishing department of the Mirror, about the year 
1871. and gave much promise of the great success he after- 
wards achieved in New York. He was employed by the 
American Tract Society for several years, and is at the 
present time engraving at Oradell, New Jersey, for the 


great New York periodicals. He is a connection, by his 
mother's kindred, with the family of Horace Greeley. 

Allen E. Herrick was born in Brooklyn, N. Y., in 
1854, and removed to Manchester in 1865. He engraved 
on wood several years in Manchester and Boston, and was 
noted for the neat and careful execution that is required 
for book illustration. He left engraving for stenography 
and bookkeeping several years since, and is now a teacher 
of shorthand. 

E. H. Dearborn was born in South Weare, N. H., June 
23, 1863. He studied art with H. W. Herrick, U. D. 
Tenney and at Cowles' Art School, Boston, and makes 
portraiture his line of practice. He is a conscientious 
draughtsman, and is noted for his careful finish in painting 
and his excellent likenesses. He has painted in several 
towns in Hillsborough county, and has a summer studio at 
South Weare. 

Walter H. Shilvock studied wood engraving with A. E. 
Herrick, about ten years since. Later he united half-tone 
engraving with his boxwood practice. He is now employed 
by a large engraving firm in Denver, Colorado. 

Besides the long list briefly mentioned here, there are 
other names worthy of mention. Among these is Leon F. 
Jones, the landscape painter, a native of Manchester, but 
now located, if we are not mistaken, in New York. Then 
there is Victor E. Stevens, a descendant of one of the 
strong families connected with the early history of our city. 
Mr. Stevens has for seventeen years been associated with 
the art department of the New Hampshire Fire Insurance 
Company, where he has given us an inkling of the skill of 
his hand and brain in the illustrations that adorn the 
regular journal of that organization. 

The foregoing sketches, briefer than we wish they 
might have been in some cases, include the names of the 
professional artists, many of whom are not now living, who 
were identified with the early days of the city. No means 
are now available whereby the likenesses of the majority 



of them can be obtained, so that we are not giving the por- 
traits of any. These artists were, in their day, a worthy 
class who, with the limited advantages for study at their 
command, creditably served the public in a period when 
photography was in its earliest stages of development, and 
had not begun to supply the demand for family portraits 
that it now has reached. But the days of portraiture art 
were numbered about 1850, when, with the exception of 
costly pictures or groups for wealthy families, there was a 
diminished call upon the professional portrait painter. 

Carlp l^aps in Bmosteeag 

By Lucina Colburn Gardner 

A communication sent to the Amoskeag Old Home Week Associ- 
ation, and published in the Daily Mirror. 

//^■^O PEOPLE whose childhood days were happy, the 
' \P \ j scenes, surroundings and friends of childhood are 
"^ ever dear, especially does memory revert to them 
as the years of second childhood begin to creep on. 

Memory presents to me a little girl, not yet in her 
teens, standing upon the bluff, gazing in rapt admiration 
upon the scene before her; the village at her feet, the hills 
and valley, the river and falls; the rocks, islands and the city 
beyond, and wondering if in all the world there could be 
a scene more beautiful. And now at threescore years and 
ten she still marvels if there exists a scene of such sur- 
passing beauty. 

Nature surely was in her happiest mood when she laid 
the foundation for this region. Man perchance has marred 
the picturesqueness of the scene, yet improved it in an 
economic view. 

How dear this spot must have been to the aborigines. 
Some say it was named for them; others that they named 
it Namoskeag, meaning fishing place. Be that as it may, 
it was a famous fishing place until the completion of the 
dam at Lawrence, in 1848, which forever barred the deni- 
zens of the ocean from coming to their favorite annual 
resort, where in the summer the lively antics of the 
spotted salmon, the lampreys and others drew the disciples 
of Izaak Walton to their haunts. These finny aristocrats 
inaugurated the resort system, and a certain class, follow- 
ing their lead, became known as codfish aristocracy. 




There are rocks in the river at Amoskeag Falls with 
cavities in which tradition tells us the Indians stored and 
concealed their corn. 

In 1662 Winnipurket, the sachem of Saugus, came to 
Penacook (now Concord) to woo and wed Weetamoo, the 
dusky daughter of the great chief Passaconnaway. The 
Indians throughout the chief's domain brought of their 
dainties to grace the marriage feast. The tribute from the 
stone-cribs of Amoskeag was served on birchen dishes gar- 
nished with spoons of shell and horn. With great pomp 
the bride was sent to her new home, and with equal pomp 
was returned for a visit later by her arrogant lord. In the 
fall, when Weetamoo wished to return to her husband's 
wigwam, the crusty sachem refused to go for her and 
demanded her father to return her in regal pomp, with 
wampum gifts. 

This the haughty chief would never do, neither should 
daughter of his again sit on such a sachem's floor. When 
spring came the heart-weary wife essayed to go to the 
home she loved, despite the chief's haughtiness, and in her 
little canoe, and with a single paddle, with her beaded 
blanket about her, she started. 

The Quaker poet describes a spring freshet on the 
Merrimack, and the sad fate of Weetamoo thus: 

The wild March rains had fallen fast and long, 
The snowy mountains of the north among, 
Making each vale a water-course, each hill 
Bright with the cascade of some new-made rill. 

Gnawed by the sunbeams, softened by the rain, 
Heaved underneath by the swollen current's strain, 
The ice bridge yielded, and the Merrimack 
Bore the huge ruin crashing down the track. 

On the strong, turbid water a small boat, 
Guided by Weetamoo, was seen to float. 


Down the vexed center of that rushing tide, 
The thick, huge ice-blocks threatened either side; 
The foam-white rocks of Amoskeag in view, 
Wiih arrowy swiftness sped the light canoe. 

Sick and weary of her lonely life, 
Heedless of peril, the still faithful wife 
Had left her mother's grave, her father's door, 
To seek the wigwam of her chief once more. 

Down the white rapids like a sere leaf whirled 

On the sharp rocks and piled up ices hurled, 

Empty and broken circled the canoe 

In the vexed pool below — but where was Weetamoo? 

Such a freshet as thus described flooded all the islands 
in 1839, save a little hillock on which stood a large, double 
boarding house, filled with anxious people. The mill and 
the dye-house were flooded, and for a time the water 
around the latter was bluer even than the people in the 
dwelling. They, however, were so gravely anxious, amid 
their terrible surroundings, as to defy the power of Mor- 
pheus for three days and nights. 

The reminiscence of life in Amoskeag covers the 
decade from 1838 to 1848, yet the recollection of those days 
seems like that of a lifetime, as the events crowd upon the 

In those early days state and interstate traffic was car- 
ried on by canal-boats on rivers, and overland by canvas 
covered wagons. Farm products from Vermont were taken 
to Boston and exchanged for other commodities. In one 
of these traders' wagons the production in 1838 consisted 
of ten specimens of the genus homo, eight of whom were 
a happy, lively lot as they stepped down upon the water- 
encircled terra firma. And though they had not come to a 
land flowing with milk and honey, they surely had come to 
a johnnycake land, for there in the center of the otherwise 
vacant dining-room stood a big basket of yellow Indian 
corn. Whether it came from the "stone-cribs" in the river, 



"deponent saith not." It was the next spring that the 
freshet referred to occurred. 

The Amoskeag of this decade was a unique factory 
village. The factories drew together the bright, intelligent, 
independent, enterprising sons and daughters of New 
England. Labor was no disgrace. The factory was a 
place to earn money faster and easier than in any other 
field open to Yankeedom. These young people had 
breathed the pure air of New England from childhood, had 
had the benefit of good schools and good associations. 
Coming to Amoskeag they found a place healthy morally, 
intellectually and physically. Rowdyism was never toler- 
ated. Neither was it a place for dull-boy-Jacks. There 
was fun as well as work. The day's work over, groups of 
congenial friends would gather, some to sing, some to sew 
and chat; others would meet and earnestly discuss topics 
of local', national and international interest or perchance 
the latest publication. The Olive Branch, True Flag and 
other papers and magazines circulated freely among the 
busy workers. Some there were who burned the midnight 
oil to read and- study. 

Amusements were various. One of the most prom- 
inent was the singing school. And good singers always 
abounded. Of such Amoskeag seems to have no lack 
to-day — as representatives of their fathers and mothers 
enliven with song the Old Home Day festivities. There 
were moonlight coasting parties when ox sleds were brought 
into service. Spelling schools, exhibitions and for "trip- 
ping the light fantastic toe," "the hall" and the Tenny hall 
furnished ample accommodation. Then the Saturday even- 
ing chowder parties were social events. 

Among the summer amusements was the pretty game 
called "Grace" or "Grace hoop," in which both skill and 
grace were displayed. In imagination I hear again the rich 
manly and maidenly voices in tune, as the melody of the 
boat songs and the merry laughter came floating back over 
the water by the party ascending the river on a bright moon- 


light evening. Some fun-loving ones could never forget 
the "melon parties." 

A reverent New England atmosphere pervaded the 
place on the Sabbath day. The non-church-goer was quiet 
and orderly. The weekly cottage prayer-meeting was a 
savor of life unto life, and greatly prized by many. 

The Amoskeag Old Home Day of the 40's was 
Thanksgiving. And the great-hearted, genial hospitality 
was extended not only to descendants, but included many 
a lonely one absent from home. Precious and never dying 
heart memories resulted from these reunions. 

The May Day training, with its music, its uniformed 
militia parade, was ever a joy to the little folk. And the 
musters with their sham fights, auctions and gingerbread 
are not forgotten, having still a souvenir of an auction of 
1847. The gingerbread our fathers and brothers used to 
bring home was of unforgetable quantity and quality. 
Such gingerbread! We ne'er shall see its like again. 

War was never associated with these maneuvers. But 
when these youth became middle aged and responded to 
the call of Uncle Abe for aid to save the Union, then we 
realized the meaning of these drills as we did not even 
when we saw the boys drilling across the river for the 
Mexican War. 

The 40's were ushered in by the "Tippecanoe and 
Tyler too" campaign. When the old general sent his log 
cabin, and cider so hard it took eight yoke of oxen to haul 
it, to show us that if the pace was slow result was sure. 

In the early 40's a party of Indians landed from cheir 
birchen canoes, in the field above the falls to visit the fish- 
ing and hunting-grounds of their forefathers. The com- 
mittee that welcomed them was self-appointed and included 
a large part of the villagers. That field in the spring was 
often the tenting ground of the Norcross logging men. 

Then came the bridging of the river and the change 
from canal boats and canvas covered wagons to steam cars 
for traveling and commerce. 


The Millerite excitement, with its earnest but deluded 
adherents, and the follies, farces and sad events that 
attended it. 

The next year's excitement was the singing presiden- 
tial campaign, when the young people of an evening return- 
ing from the campaign meetings the house would resound 
with their songs, and the small boy chorus on the street 
would echo "James K. Polk of Tennessee." 

From the factories and from the school-house on the 
hill have gone forth young men and maidens into the vari- 
ous walks of life to do faithfully their part and to share 
the respect due to true manhood and womanhood. Some 
have been called to fill places of responsibility with honor 
to themselves and to the state. Among the teachers of 
those days were Dr. Cromby, E. T. Quimby and the Misses 
Margaret Allison and Rebecca Richards. 

The doctor not only "taught the young idea how to 
shoot," but also how to walk by rule. Memory recalls one 
time when he had a drill exercise. A line was formed 
across the school-room and he gave to each a personal 
illustration of his favorite rule so effectively that sixty 
years and more have failed to efface its memory. Writing 
compositions was a matter of choice and few the result. 
One, however, comes to mind which would tax the old 
Thompsonian chemist's skill to equal. But, orators! 
Amoskeag had them galore. Who could render Marco 
Bozzaris with more ease and grace than our gifted presi- 
dent in his youthful days. And who could declaim such 
classics as "Hohenlinden," "The Battle of Waterloo," 
"The Roman Soldier," "Last Day of Herculaeneum," with 
such oratorical power and pathos as would have made 
Cicero and Demosthenes, groan with envy. 

I think it was in 1844 that some of the villagers were 
permitted to look down from the bridge upon a real live 
president of the United States, as he stood upon the depot 
platform. Some who disapproved of his course as presi- 
dent looked upon him with critical eyes. 


The "Fourths" at Amoskeag were always celebrated 
In a patriotic manner. . One celebration was unique in the 
history of the village. For weeks previous preparations 
were being made. In the "hall" were heard music and the 
rhythmic stepping as the gentlemen drilled the ladies to 
march in military order. In the meantime young men 
were busy inventing new designs and manufacturing com- 
bustibles of waste, tar and other items too numerous to 
mention, for the grand fireworks. The housewives caught 
the spirit of preparation and the elaborate and bountiful 
menu testified to their success. 

The "Fourth" arrived on schedule time, in all her 
glory At the appointed time and place the procession 
formed, led by the band, followed by the Amoskeag 
Phalanx, in their blue and white uniforms, their white 
cockades nodding approval with every step, while over 
them floated the stars and stripes. Then came the ladies 
dressed in white, with blue sashes and bows. In their 
midst a gentleman bearing a magnificent silk banner, with 
appropriate designs and golden fringe and ribbon streamers, 
held by four little girls, dressed in white, with blue 

The procession started, the citizens falling into line 
and augmented by visitors from the city and the adjoining 
country. When it reached the grove everything was in 
readiness: seats, speakers' stands and tables. The oration 
was pronounced unusually interesting, the banner was 
gracefully and fittingly presented by the ladies to the 
Amoskeag Phalanx. The band enlivened the exercises 
with patriotic music. In the closing part of the program 
all present participated, with such satisfactory results that 
both by word and act the generous housewives must have 
felt complimented, for not only the villagers but all the 
visitors were bountifully supplied, even to the proverbial 
small boy. 

The fireworks rounded out the day's program, sur- 
passing all previous efforts, and a credit to the ingenuity 
and pyrotechnic skill of the boys of Amoskeag. 



The old village pump on Second street must not be 
forgotten, with its sparkling and life-giving waters. Its 
memory was as dear to the old villagers as ever could have 
been the "Old Oaken Bucket" of song. 

By 1848 great changes had taken place. Amoskeag 
had a memorable fireworks, greater and grander than ever 
witnessed on the "Fourth," with a fiery thirst so intense 
that the mighty waters of the Merrimack, surging round 
its feet, failed to quench it. The illumination and fire 
painting of land and water, with the flames wildly leaping 
and roaring, presented a scene grand and weird, yet beauti- 
ful. Never were the signal fires of the Indians on this 
spot so far-reaching. It was a beacon to the nearby city, 
to warn her that soon a regiment of men, women and chil- 
dren would invade her precincts with a never-retiring 

The exodus from Amoskeag, the breaking up of the 
homelike community to be scattered never to meet again 
as a people, was a sad and closing event of this decade. 

We hail with gladness this Old Home Day reunion, 
for its influence in bringing together some of Amoskeag's 
former inhabitants, and cherishing in the hearts of later 
generations a love for the home so dear to the parents, 
grandparents and friends. 

pfnneija* Hiram* 

By Arthur P. Dodge 

The following sketch was written about thirty years ago and pub- 
lished in a pamphlet of twenty-four pages, by George H. Ellis, Boston, 
but is now scarce. — Editor. 


HINEHAS ADAMS was born in Medway, Mass., 
the twentieth day of June, 1814, and comes from 
the very best Revolutionary stock of New Eng- 
land. His grandfather and great-grandfather participated 
in the Battle of Bunker Hill, and served through that 
memorable war. He had three brothers and seven sisters, 
of whom the former all died, previous to 1831. Three sis- 
ters are now living: Sarah Ann, born in 18 16, the wife of 
E. B. Hammond, M. D., of Nashua; Eliza P., born in 1820, 
widow of the late Ira Stone, Esq., formerly an overseer in 
the Stark Mills; and Mary Jane, born in 1822, widow of 
the late James Buncher, Esq., a former designer for the 
Merrimack Print Works in Lowell, Mass. Mrs. Buncher 
is the present popular and very efficient librarian of the 
Manchester Public Library. 

His father, Phinehas Adams, Sr., married Sarah W. 
Barber, a native of Holliston, Mass., in 181 1. Her father 
was an Englishman; came to America from Warrenton, 
England, during the Revolutionary War, and married in 
this country a Scottish lady who came from Edinburgh. 

Phinehas Adams, the senior, was both a farmer and 
a mechanic, and became quite an extensive manufacturer. 
At a very early date, he constructed handlooms, which he 
employed girls to operate; and, subsequently, started the 
first power-loom that was ever established in this country, 
at Waltham, Mass., in the year 1814. 

In this year and in the same town, he became a mill 
overseer, and afterwards gave his whole attention to manu- 



facturing. He resided, when Phinehas was a child, at 
different times in Waltham, Cambridge, and in Nashua, 
N. H., to which latter place he removed later in life, and 
became proprietor of a hotel, — the Central House. 

This business was now more agreeable to him, since 
he had broken three or four of his ribs and received other 
injuries from an unfortunate fall. 

Hon. William P. Newell, of this city, who was agent 
of the Amoskeag Old Mills from 1837 to 1846, was once a 
bobbin-boy for the elder Adams. This was ten years 
before the son, who was attending a private school in West 
Newton, Mass., until 1827, began to work in the mills. 

In the last-named year, his father became agent of the 
Neponset Manufacturing Company's Mills, — which were 
owned by himself, Dr. Oliver Dean, and others, — at Wal- 
pole, in the same state; and to this place he removed his 

When quite young, the son disliked close confinement 
in school, the task of poring over books being to him 
rather dry and irksome; but his father said to him that he 
must either study or go to work in the mill. At the latter 
place, he was soon found engaged in a work well calculated 
to dispel boyish romance in a summary manner. 

He almost repented making this choice, but pluckily 
''stuck to the work" with the indomitable perseverance so 
often displayed in after life, and was employed as bobbin- 
boy for a year by the company. 

He then entered Wrentham Academy, where he 
remained, making good progress in his studies, for a year 
and half, when his father was compelled to inform him that 
he had met with serious losses by reason of the failure of 
the company, and that he, Phinehas, would now have to 
leave the academy and go to work. 

The father very much regretted feeling obliged to take 
this course, having cherished the hope of being able to give 
his son a thorough education. 


The latter, readily accepting the situation, replied to 
hrs father that he was ready and willing to work, but that, 
if he must go to work in a mill, he preferred that it should 
be in a large one, and not in a "one-horse concern;" for he 
desired a wide field and the best possible opportunities to 
gain a knowledge of the business in its many details. 

One of the greatest events in the commercial history 
of our country was the founding of the "City of Spindles," 
Lowell, in 1821. Very naturally, the junior Adams was 
led to go there to gain his desired knowledge. 

On the 10th of November, 1829, he proceeded to this 
city, and at the age of fifteen became employed as bobbin- 
boy in the mills of the Merrimack Company. 

At that time the company had only about thirty thou- 
sand spindles in its mills, but now its five mills contain (in 
1876) one hundred and fifty-eight thousand four hundred 
and sixty-four spindles, and three thousand nine hundred 
and forty-one looms; has a capital of two and one-half 
million dollars; and employs eighteen hundred female and 
nine hundred male operatives. 

In these early days of manufacturing, the system was 
adhered to in Lowell of keeping fierce bull-dogs— one, at 
least — in each mill. They were liberally fed with fresh 
meat, not for the purpose of making them less savage, and 
chained near the entrance to the mill, making effectual 
sentinels while the watch-we^ were making their rounds. 
This custom was followed until about 1831. 

Mr. Adams was early possessed of an ambition to 
become an overseer; and to this end he labored hard and 
faithfully, never thinking or dreaming, however, that he 
would become agent of a large mill. 

This was his real beginning, the wedding to his long 
and uninterrupted manufacturing life, the "golden wedding'' 
anniversary of which event occurred in November, 1879. 

Soon after his commencement at Lowell, he was pro- 
moted to the position of second overseer in the weaving 
department, a post he retained until 183 1, when he passed 


to a similar position in the Methuen Company's mill, of 
which his uncle was agent. In 1833, he made another 
change, going to Hooksett, N. H., where he became over- 
seer in the Hooksett Manufacturing Company's mills, of 
which his father was then the agent. 

Not long afterwards he assumed a similar position in 
the Pittsfield Manufacturing Company's mill, at Pittsfield, 
then under the administration of Ithamar A. Beard, Esq., 
agent, who was by profession a civil engineer. Mr. Beard 
went from there to Brunswick, Me., where he subsequently 
engaged in the construction of mills. 

Mr. Adams remained in Pittsfield from December, 
1834, until Mr. Beard resigned. The latter urged the 
former to continue in his position at Pittsfield, and gave 
him an excellent letter of recommendation, saying, as he 
handed it to Mr. Adams, "There, young man, you can 
keep this: it may never do you any good, but it will never 
do you any harm. I can indorse it with a good con- 

It was on a Saturday night, the 7th of March, 1835, 
that Mr. Adams, who had previously decided to return to 
Lowell, left Pittsfield; being driven in a team to Hooksett, 
where he secured a night's lodging. In good season the 
next morning (Sunday), he embarked in the mail stage, 
and found himself about noon of the same day at Nashua, 
where his parents then resided. In those days there was 
no city of Manchester, neither was there a splendid rail- 
road service running through the fertile Merrimack valley. 
But the waters of the Merrimack, though scarcely at all 
utilized at that time to propel water-wheels, carried upon 
its fleeting bosom myriads of heavily laden vessels from 
Boston, via the old Middlesex Canal, running as far north 
as Concord. From the Boston & Lowell Railroad, the 
former course of this canal can now be traced much of the 
way. It ran through Charlestown, Medford, Billerica Mills. 
and Middlesex Village, at which latter place it intersected 
with the Merrimack River. Locks were in use at Garvin's 


Falls, Hooksett, Manchester, Goffe's Falls, Nashua, and at 
other points. A passenger steamer plied in those days 
between Lowell and Nashua upon the river, which was 
higher than the canal. 

Mr. Adams remained at home only until Monday — a 
short visit. But he was industrially inclined, and proceeded 
immediately, we learn, to the Merrimack Mills in Lowell, 
the scene of his earlier labors, as previously mentioned, 
where he accepted the position of overseer. He remained 
with this company until he came to Manchester, in 1846. 

In December, 1841, the late John Clark, Esq., the 
agent of the Merrimack Mills at Lowell, proposed that 
Mr. Adams should enter the office as clerk. This idea was 
very distasteful to Mr. Adams, as he detested bookkeep- 
ing, having previously had much of it and other writing to 
do for his father, when overseer and bookkeeper in his 
father's mill. However, he yielded to the wishes and advice 
of Mr. Clark, who had excellent opinions of Mr. Adams, 
and who said to him on this occasion, "You have a 
thorough knowledge of manufacturing, and ought now to 
get acquainted with bookkeeping and the general business 
of the mills; for you are destined to fill a higher position." 
Time has abundantly proven the truth of Mr. Clark's 
prophecy. During the five years he held this position, Mr. 
Adams had good opportunity to observe the lively interest 
Mr. Clark took in his employees. There was a fellow-clerk, 
a young man, who was given more or less to the demoral- 
izing habit of loafing around saloons. On one occa- 
sion, Mr. Clark himself, always strictly temperate in his 
habit, censured the practice of that young man, and 
requested Mr. Adams to talk with him, and at the same 
time to inform him that he could not be promoted without 
mending his habits. In this connection, it can be said that 
Mr. Adams has never used tobacco or intoxicating liquors 
during his life. 

In the year 1846, Mr. Adams left Lowell to assume 
the agency (succeeding the Hon. William P. Newell) of the 


«'01d Amoskeag Mills," then located on the west side of 
the Merrimack River at Amoskeag Falls, — now a part of 
the city of Manchester, — on the present site of ex-Gov- 
ernor P. C. Cheney's paper-mill. 

The building of the Amoskeag Mills was the begin- 
ning of Manchester's wonderful career of prosperity, 
which has developed to such great proportions. Her 
many mills, now running more than three hundred thou- 
sand spindles, many looms, and many cloth printing 
machines, and the many other signs of industry, are abund- 
antly attesting to the truth of the statement. 

With the Amoskeag Corporation Mr. Adams remained 
until the 17th of November, 1847, when he became agent 
of the Stark Mills. 

Of the great manufactories of Manchester, that of the 
Stark Mills Company ranks third in magnitude and second 
in age. This company was organized September 26, 1838, 
and, and began operation the following year. 

During its forty years and more of busy existence, it 
has had but two resident agents, John A. Burnham, Esq., 
holding that position from the inception of the corporation 
until the 17th of November, 1847, the date marking the 
commencement of the long term of service by the present 
incumbent, the Hon. Phinehas Adams. At that time, the 
capital of the Stark Mills Company was the same as now, 
one million two hundred and fifty thousand dollars. The 
shares, the par value of which was and is one thousand 
dollars each, were worth six or seven hundred dollars, when 
Colonel Adams was chosen agent; but they rose to four- 
teen or fifteen hundred dollars each share during the late 
Civil War. 

In the early days of New England manufacturing, 
more labor was performed by hand than is to-day; and, 
though substantially the same machinery was employed, 
yet it had by no means attained its present capacity and 
wonderful completeness. 


la December, 1863, Mr. Adams was commissioned 
by the directors of the Stark Mills to go to Europe for 
the purpose of securing machinery and information relat- 
ing to the manufacture of linen goods. At that time, 
owing to the war, cotton goods were very scarce and 
expensive. For unmanufactured cotton itself, the Stark 
Company paid as high as one dollar and eighty-six cents 
per pound, and a higher price even than that was paid by 
other companies. A bale of cotton brought nine hundred 
and thirty dollars. 

Mr. Adams travelled extensively through England, 
Scotland, and Ireland, and visited the city of Paris. He 
ordered considerable machinery of the English manufac- 
turers, who were very busy with American orders at the 
time. So great, in fact, was the demand upon them, that 
the Stark machinery did not arrive until the September 
following, — nearly a year after being ordered. 

At Paisley, about seven miles from Glasgow, Mr. 
Adams examined the interesting process of making the 
far-famed "long Paisley shawls." They were made princi- 
pally by weavers upon hand-looms, at their places of abode; 
some of the rooms in which many elegant shawls were 
manufactured being found to be low-studded, dark and 
dingy in the extreme. The different-colored yarns were 
"given out " to the weavers to be made into shawls as are 
stockings, in this city to be "heeled and toed." He saw a 
pattern for one long shawl that a man was constantly 
engaged in painting for the space of nine months. 

From choice, Mr. Adams has been quite clear of poli- 
tics, having only served as ward clerk when a young man 
in Lowell, and, later, as a presidential elector for General 
Grant. He was Governor Straw's chief of staff, which, by 
the way, it is believed never "turned out in a body" as 
such. He was also four years a director in the Concord 
Railroad, just after the decease of Governor Gilmore. 
About the year 1848, he was chosen one of the assistant 
engineers of the Manchester Fire Department, in which 


capacity he served with peculiar fidelity for twelve years.. 

Never being "up for office," as were many of his 
friends, he could act with positive independence; and he 
invariably did act, as he thought, for the best interests of 
the city. 

This sort of conduct was in marked contrast with the 
non-committal policy of politicians who felt obliged to 
please (?) the firemen, who at that period, as is well known, 
exerted great influence in municipal politics. 

Mr. Adams and the other engineers resigned their 
positions after two steamers had been obtained, thus giving 
the captains of the old companies chances of promotion. 

He has for a long time been closely identified with the 
moneyed institutions of this city, having served as a 
director in the Merrimack River Bank from 1857 to i860; 
the same in the Manchester National Bank from 1865 to 
the present time; and as a trustee in the Manchester 
Savings Bank nearly all the time since it obtained the 

Since the decease of Hon. Herman Foster, Mr. 
Adams has been one of the committee on loans for the 
latter institution. 

He is one of the directors of the Gas-Light Com- 
pany, and was for many years director of the Public 

He was elected in 1865 one of the original directors 
of the New England Cotton Manufacturers' Association. 

Three years ago last October, Colonel Adams attended 
a class reunion of scholars of Mr. Seth Davis, then ninety 
years of age, at his home in West Newton, Mass. Ex- 
Governor Alexander H. Rice and other prominent men 
were of this number. 

Mr. Davis lived upon a large farm (one hundred and 
seventy-five acres), and kept a private school for boys from 
six to twelve years of age, some of whom he boarded. 
Mr. Adams attended this school in 1826-27, and was one of 
seventeen lads who lived in their tutor's family. Some of 


them had parents or friends residing in or near Boston, who 
were in the habit of driving out to visit, and to give the 
boys cakes, candies, and other dainties. 

Now it used to happen that nearly every Monday 
morning found the ranks of this solid seventeen broken; 
and it also happened, said Mr. Adams to the writer once, 
while conversing upon the days of long ago, that sickness 
was the cause thereof or rather the effect, — for those per- 
nicious sweetmeats were the primary cause of thin ranks 
on those occasions. 

For many years, Mr. Adams has been engaged, as 
opportunity occurred, in procuring rare coins, medals, etc. 
Of the former, he now possesses very complete collection 
of the various denominations in gold, silver, nickel, and 
copper; and he has a great number of valuable medals. 
Many of these antiquities command a very high price in 
the market, their numbers being absolutely limited, and 
the demand for them steadily increasing. 

The present officers of the Stark Mills are: Clerk, 
Phinehas Adams; Treasurer, Edmund Dwight; Direc- 
tors, William Amory, J. Ingersoll Bowditch, Lewis Down- 
ing, Jr., T. Jefferson Coolidge, John L. Bremer, J. Lewis 
Stackpole, and Roger Walcott; Manufacturing Agent, 
Phinehas Adams; Selling Agents, J. L. Bremer & Co., 
Boston. Mr. Amory was Treasurer at the commencement 
and is now President of the Corporation.* 

During the administration of Colonel Adams, which 
covers a long series of eventful years, a great many 
changes have taken place. In what may be called, more 
particularly, the manufacturing world is this specially 

He is the oldest agent and the longest in such position 
in the city, — nay, more, in the entire Merrimack Valley; 
and most of those holding similar positions thirty-two years 
ago are now passed from life. 

*It should be remembered that this was written in 1880. — Editor. 


That fine old estate on Hanover street, for a long time 
known as the "Harris Estate," was formerly owned by the 
Stark Company, who built the commodious mansion now 
converted into a charitable institution, — the "Orphans' 
Home," for the use of their agents. John A. Burnham 
was its first occupant; and next, Mr. Adams, who resided 
there nine years, beginning with 1847. 

When Baldwin & Co.'s steam mill on Manchester 
street, where D. B. Varney's brass foundry is now located, 
was, with other structures, burned on the 5th of July, 
1852, that house then occupied by Mr. Adams was set on 
fire by the flying sparks; but it was speedily extinguished. 
Mr. Adams was at the time attending to his duties as 
engineer where the fire raged the fiercest. Thus Mrs. 
Adams and those of her household were without the pro- 
tection of the sterner sex in the early part of their peril. 
Soon, however, aid was proffered by several men, of whom 
Mrs. Adams admitted Mr. Walter Adriance and three 
others, friends of the family, whereupon she securely barri- 
caded the doors. The work of passing water to the roof 
was very lively for a while. 

In 1856, Mr. Adams moved into the house No. 2 
Water street, now occupied by Moses O. Pearsons, Esq., 
where he lived also about nine years, when he purchased 
his present fine residence No. 18 Brook street. 

On the 24th of September, 1829, Mr. Adams was 
united in marriage with Miss Elizabeth Simpson, daughter 
of the late Deacon Samuel Simpson, of Deerfield, N. H. 
He served in the War of 181 2; and his widow, who is now 
eighty-one years of age, draws a pension from the gov- 

Mrs. Adams' paternal grandfather, Major John Simp- 
son, participated in the Battle of Bunker Hill, and, it is 
said upon good authority, fired the first shot of that famous 
engagement, on the American side. 

It occurred in this wise: The men in his line were 
instructed by their commander, Colonel Stark, not to fire 


a gun until the British had arrived at a certain point, forty 
paces distant from the American works. When the red- 
coated invaders had advanced to within that distance, the 
major (who was then a private), an excellent marksman, 
being unable to withstand so good an opportunity, fired 
before the order was given, and dropped his man. The 
fire was then opened along the whole line. On being 
reproved for disobeying orders, Mr. Simpson replied, "I 
never could help firing, when game which I was after came 
within gun-shot." He died October 28,1825. 

From this happy union of Mr* Adams with Miss 
Simpson, two children have sprung: Elizabeth, born June 
15, 1842, and Phinehas Adams, Jr., born December 26, 
1844, — both being born in the same house in the city of 

The former is the wife of Daniel C. Gould, Esq., pay- 
master of the Stark Mills, and the popular tenor singer at 
the Franklin-street church, to whom she was married the 
10th of September, 1868* Mr. Gould is a son of Deacon 
Daniel Gould, who was the first railroad station agent in 
Manchester, a position he held until succeeded by the late 
Henry Hurlburt. 

Mr. Phinehas Adams, Jr., married Miss Anna P. Mor- 
rison of Belfast, Me., and they reside with the subject of 
this sketch. He (the son) is engaged in the cotton busi- 
ness in Boston. 

About a year after being married, the father of the 
latter joined the First Congregational church in Lowell, 
Rev. Amos Blanchard, pastor. Mrs. Adams was also a 
member of this church. On removing to Manchester, both 
had their relation transferred to the Franklin-street Con- 
gregational church, the Rev. William V. W. Davis being 
the able and esteemed pastor thereof. 

At a recent business meeting of the Stark Corporation 
directors, on the suggestion of Edmund Dwight, Esq., it 
was voted to present Colonel Adams with a suitable token, 
bearing testimony of the high respect in which he is held 
by them. 


Therefore, on the 17th of November, 1879, that being 
the date completing his thirty-two years of service as agent 
of that corporation, they presented him with one of the 
most valuable gold hunting-case, stem-winding watches 
ever made by the Waltham Company, together with a 
massive gold chain and an elegant seal. Inside the watch- 
case is engraved the following: ''The Stark Mills to Phin- 
ehas Adams, November 17, 1 847-1 879, William Amory, 
Edmund Dwight, treasurer." 

Accompanying these superb gifts was the following 
letter, expressive of sentiments that any honorable man 
would be justly proud to merit: 

Boston, November 15, 1879. 

My Dear Sir, — I send you a watch and chain by request of the 
directors of the Stark Mills. It will reach you on the anniversary of the 
day on which you entered their service, thirty-two years ago. 

Will you receive it as an expression of their great respect for your 
character, and their high appreciation of the service you have rendered 
the corporation during the third part of a century? 

It is their sincere hope that the connection which has lasted so long 
may long continue. 

With great regard, yours sincerely, 

EDMUND DWIGHT, Treasurer, 

Phinehas Adams, esq. 

This testimonial was eminently deserved, as no one is 
held in greater or more universal respect than is the 
upright, courteous and genial recipient. 

The life of Mr. Adams proves that tireless persistence 
and devotion to duty accomplish much. The influence 
exerted by his life is far greater than is commonly sup- 
posed or realized. It can hardly fail to stimulate young 
men to honorable exertions, and to teach them that exten- 
sive notoriety is not necessarily indicative of true great- 
ness, and also that too eager grasping after mere political 
distinction or eager grasping after mere political distinction 
or after temporal riches is far less desirable than linking 
their lives to immortal principles. 

•Cfje MM* of jfltacfcegter 

By A Staff Contributor 

4 "jlWHAT country alone is great whose manufacturing 
y^ advantages are allied with the cunning of the brain 
^*S an d the skill of the human hand. It is true that 
agriculture is the oldest employment of man and its accom- 
plishment the foundation of his upbuilding, but it never 
lifts a timber above the sills of his superstruction. "Home- 
ward the plowman plods his weary way" empty-handed. 
The barbarian may be, and often is, an agriculturist, but 
his feet are earth-bound. The shepherd, tending his flocks 
on the sunny slopes of some Iverness, may fill an idyllic 
life, but he is only a dreamer. The range of the Arab is 
as far-reaching as the ring of his fleet-footed steed; the 
roof of his tent is as wide as the blue-arched dome of the 
Persian sky, and his freedom undoubted; but his legacy to 
posterity is as barren as the sands of Sahara. It is not 
until man begins to exercise his fertile mind in the inven- 
tion and making of those things which shall enable him to 
broaden the scope of his labors that he starts on his 
upward course. 

Even in this stage of progress, his capacity to do and 
attempt is helpless until he calls to his assistance the 
latent powers of nature. Then the river becomes his most 
potent ally. As an agricultural territory New Hampshire 
could never have become to any extent a noticeable factor 
in the march of progress or power. But with her excellent 



water privileges, in proportion to her area, she is in the 
ranks of the progressive states. And the Merrimack, 
"the busiest river in the world," is the source of her great- 
ness. Not only does this "river of broken waters'' afford 
the power for the majority — the most — of her manufactur- 
ing industries, but it has given the impetus to the progress 
and growth of four prominent cities of the Bay State, 
Lowell, Lawrence, Haverhill and Amesbury. Passing by 
this quartet of industrial centers, we will sketch the de 
velopment of those gigantic manufacturing interests made 
possible by the falls of Amoskeag. 

This rugged waterfall has a descent of forty-five feet, 
carrying over its dam, when the water has a depth of one 
foot above its rim, 3,700 to 3,800 cubic feet every second 
during the working hours of the machinery that it turns. 
The current of the river is so slight that a flowage is 
accomplished which reaches back to the tails of Annabesit,* 
or Hooksett, a distance of eight miles. The area covered 
is 443 acres, and the average rise obtained upon October 
1, 1908, was 3.325 inches. The river above Pawtucket 
Falls at Lowell has a flowage of eighteen miles. These, 
with other water privileges of note, help to make the 
Merrimack the river remarkable for its power. 

It was as noted to the aboriginal inhabitants in its 
pristine glory for its fisheries as it is to-day for its manu- 
facturing industries. Amoskeag Falls was especially we 
known among the early pioneers, who little realized 
the possibilities lurking under the lash of its foaming 
current, as a "horrible cataract." Hither came the good 
Parson McGregor, as early as the summer of 1719, one of 
the very first of the white settlers in this vicinity, to gaze 
with awe and pious veneration upon the falls. The first 
recorded evidence that we have of the place was given by 

*This is an Indian term signifying "little place for fish," in compari- 
son to Namaske, or Amoskeag, "great place for fish." — Author. 


Capt. William Tyng in December, 1703, when that doughty 
pioneer led his band of snow-shoe men upon their memor- 
able wintry march into the "North Country" in search of 
Indian prey. 

The first man to express his belief in the possibilities 
of this water power was Judge Samuel Blodget. But his 
mind and means were engrossed in the subtile undertak- 
ing of setting at defiance the waterfalls by building his 
canals. He came upon the scene of action too early to 
lead the way in this enterprise, as he certainly would have 
done had he been born a few years later. Thus it was left to 
a worthy pioneer in New England manufactories, Mr. Benja- 
min Prichard, to harness the legions of an idle river to the 
looms of industry. He had served his apprenticeship at 
Ipswich, where the first cotton mill had been erected in 
New Hampshire in 1803. And here in 1804 this ambitious 
young man, in conjunction with three others, named 
Ephraim, David and Robert Stevens, came to Amoskeag, 
then a part of the town of Goffstown, and built the 
first cotton mill on the Merrimack above Pawtucket Falls. 

The business grew so rapidly that it was soon thought 
necessary to form a stock company, which was christened 
"The Amoskeag Cotton and Wool Factory." This name 
was changed in June, 1810, to "The Amoskeag Cotton 
and Woolen Manufacturing Company." The first board of 
directors consisted of James Parker, Samuel P. Kidder, 
John Stark, Jr., David McQuestion and Benjamin Prichard. 
The first-named was chosen president and Jotham Gillis 
was made clerk and selling agent. He was succeeded in 
order by Philemon Walcott, John G. Moor and Frederick 
Stark. Compared with the mills of to-day, this was a 
primitive affair, having neither picker nor loom, and it 
made but slow, though deserving, progress along its un- 
trodden way. No small meed of praise belongs to those 
sanguine leaders in the industrial world. 

The factory was about forty feet square and two 
stories high, situated midway between the head and foot of 


the falls, directly below the west end of Amoskeag bridge. 
The cotton used was parcelled out to the families living in 
the neighborhood, to be ginned at four cents a pound. 
The yarn was woven by hand by women who had looms in 
their homes. The Rev. Cyrus W. Wallace said in one of 
his discourses: 

I have examined the accounts kept in the beautiful round hand of 
Judge Stark for the month of October, 1813, and for fifteen days in succes- 
sion. During the month there were manufactured, at Amoskeag, three 
hundred and fifty-eight skeins per day of cotton yarn. This was about 
the average amount: three hundred and fifty-eight skeins at factory 
price were worth twenty-nine dollars and twenty-two cents. 

After some changes in its management and increased 
knowledge and capital, in 1826, the old original mill was 
enlarged and a new one was built upon the river bank, 
with another upon an island,* which was burned May 14, 
1840. The second structure raised on the bank was known 
as "The Bell Mill," from the fact that a bell there called 
the operatives to work. Shirtings, sheetings and tickings 
were now manufactured, the latter commodity winning a 
wide reputation as the "A C A" tickings. Both of the 
mills upon the bank were consumed by fire March 28, 1848. 

Until July 13, 1831, the manufacturing was carried on 
as a private enterprise with varying success according to 

*This island was reached by a bridge that spanned the rapids from the 
west bank, near where the P. C. Cheney Paper Mills were afterwards built- 
The fire which destroyed the island mill seems to have been the first fire 
of special mention in Manchester. A local writer, Mr. E. F. Roper, in 
the Observant Citizen's column in the Union, says that in 1846 there were 
several buildings on the island, namely : a machine shop, foundry, dry 
house and a large house occupied by three families. Cyrus Baldwin, who 
afterwards invented the seamless bag loom, was boss of the shops. 
Among the hands were two who deserve especial notice: S. H. Roper, the 
builder of the first successful steam carriage, and G. H. Rollins, who later 
built steam engines at Nashua. The other cotton mills were nearer the 
village, which it was then believed was to become the heart of the coming 
city. This was in the days when Farmer owned the old hotel or tavern, a 
noted resort, and John Allison kept the village grocery. — Author. 


the capital and experience given it. Upon July 1 of this 
year, the state legislature authorized the formation of the 
Amoskeag Manufacturing Company with a capital limited 
to a million dollars, a great sum for that day. The incorpo- 
rators were Oliver Dean, Ira Gay, Willard Sayles, Larned 
Pitcher, Lyman Tiffany and Samuel Slater. At the first 
meeting Mr. Tiffany was chosen president; Mr. Gay was 
made clerk, and Oliver Dean agent and treasurer. 

This was the most important meeting ever held in the 
interest of the company, inasmuch as its counsels and acts 
laid the foundation of the future of the manufacturing 
interests of the Merrimack at this place. It was unani- 
mously agreed that the property of the old firm should be 
taken for stock in the new company, and it was decided 
that the new organization should acquire possession by 
purchase the title to the land on both sides of the river^ 
though it was settled that henceforth the main mills should 
be located upon the east bank, where the engineers 
declared it was more feasible to build canals and to utilize 
the water power. The company, in 1835, acquired the 
property of the Isle of Hooksett Canal Company, the Bow 
Canal Company and the Union Locks and Company, 
located at different points along the river. The following 
year the Hooksett Manufacturing Company, which had a 
capital of two hundred thousand dollars, was merged with 
the Amoskeag. About this time the first brick mill upon the 
Merrimack was built in Hooksett from brick made near at 
hand. The falls here have a perpendicular descent of six- 
teen feet and are capable of carrying one hundred thousand 
spindles. The Amoskeag Company operated this privilege 
until 1865, when it sold the franchise to a new corporation 
with a capital stock of one million dollars, authorized by 
the legislature. In 1837 the Concord Manufacturing Com- 
pany became a part of the Amoskeag. 

The Amoskeag Manufacturing Company not only 
obtained a control of the water power of the Merrimack 
from Concord to Manchester, but purchased large tracts 


of land, fifteen hundred acres on the east side, joining 
upon the river and reaching back into what was then wild 
country. In 1837 the company made a plan of the future 
city of Manchester, and laid out the site of a town, with 
the main street running parallel with the river, and in 1838 
it sold land divided into lots for building and business 
privileges. This movement not only brought into the 
the market much land to become valuable in the following 
years, increasing as time passed by, but it opened the way 
to the coming city. This wise foresight is seen to-day in 
the well-arranged streets and commons that are such a 
blessing to our city, making it one of the best-regulated in 
New England. 

In the meantime the company had been active in its 
own direct business. The wooden dam across the river 
built a few years before, was repaired in 1836, and the fol- 
lowing year the construction of a wing dam of stone, with 
guard locks, was begun on the east side. This was com- 
pleted in 1840. In 1838 the rights, site and water privi- 
leges, for a new company, incorporated as the Stark Mills, 
were sold which corporation exists to-day. The first 
building erected on the east side was the Stark Mills 
counting room, a part of which was used for a time by the 
land and water power department of the Amoskeag Manu- 
facturing Company. The first mills built on the east side 
were Nos. 1 and 2 of the Stark Corporation, and were 
erected in 1838 and 1839, respectively. 

After the burning of the Island Mill in 1840, the 
Amoskeag Company built two new ones just below the 
Stark Mills, and added to these as their demands increased. 
A machine shop was built in 1840 and in 1842 a foundry to 
meet the requirements of the increasing business. In 
1845 they sold land for a new corporation, known as the 
Manchester Print Works, and erected mills for the new 
company. This corporation, after over fifty years of suc- 
cessful operation, in 1905 was absorbed by the Amoskeag 
Company and its mills are to-day a part of the property 


and business of that company. In 1859 the manufacture 
of the famous Amoskeag steam fire engines was begun. 

During this period of constant growth of its industry 
the original idea of the development of a city was ever 
prominent in the purposes of the company. Tenements 
and boarding-houses for their operatives and those working 
for the other corporations were erected, and land sold for 
business sites and dwelling houses. In the matter of 
public buildings a generous and beneficial policy was car- 
ried out, land being given for sites of churches and public 

These founders of the Amoskeag Manufacturing 
Company, and incidentally the founders of Manchester, 
deserve a large meed of credit for their sagacity and enter- 
prise. It must be remembered, when an account of their 
work is taken into consideration, that their undertaking 
was entirely along an unmarked path. The manufacture 
of the goods they purposed to put on the market was in 
the infancy of its growth even in England, then in the lead 
of the manufactures of the world. There were no practical 
mechanics in the country to accomplish any design they 
might invent. It was only a short time before their organi- 
zation that it had been found expedient to manufacture raw 
cotton into finished cloth in the same mill, and thus two 
distinct branches had been carried on to accomplish one 
result. The power loom was the means to revolutionize the 
outcome and it has been claimed, with what seems good 
authority, that Phinehas Adams, Sr., was the first man in 
America to successfully run the power loom. No prouder 
monument to their success is needed than the great indus- 
try and prosperous city which has sprung up on the 
unsightly sandbanks overlooking the scenes of their labors. 

This, in brief, is the story of the rise and progress of 
the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company, giving employ- 
ment to over 15,000 persons and having an annual output 
of about 200,000,000 yards of cotton cloth and 20,000,000 
yards of worsted cloth. The mills have a floor space of 


110 acres and have 600,000 spindles with 19,000 looms 
The weekly pay-roll is $112,000 and the amount of capital 
invested is $5,760,000. What is termed as the quick capi- 
tal is at $10,412,521.19, which represents the assets. The 
land and water power is valued at $400,000; the mill and 
machinery, $2,550,000; reserve, $10,000; bag mill, $40,000; 
plant, $3,000,000. The report of the treasurer at a recent 
meeting of the stockholders showed that during the past 
year the company has spent $500,000 in the purchase of 
machinery, and that the profit and loss is placed at 
$1,924,993.44. The cotton goods on hand June 30, 1907, 
were valued at $512,911.41; cost of manufacture, $14,969, - 
932.94; interest, $13,265.04; guarantee, $52,648.46; profit 
for twelve months, $1,250;655.49; total, $16,799,413.34; 
goods sold, $16,109,124.75; goods on hand June 30, 1908, 
$690,288.59; total, $16,799,413.34. In the worsted goods 
department there were on hand a year ago, dyed and fin- 
ished, 980,253 yards, while there has been finished during 
the year, 12,301,687% yards; total, 13,281,940 yards. 

This company at least has avoided the common 
mistake made by Americans in many lines of industries, 
where a person is allowed to come to the front poorly 
equipped for the responsibility that he has to fill. The 
Amoskeag Company believes that no man, however keen 
in his perception, can master a trade in a short time, and 
this is at least one place where skill is fostered and experi- 
ence counts above a passing claim to utility. The result is 
evident to the most casual beholder. Employing a high 
grade of labor and having a management conducted upon 
principles of integrity and fair dealing, the Amoskeag 
Manufacturing Company has moved steadily and smoothly 
on in the industrial sphere whether the tide of business 
ebbed or flowed. 

Herman F. Straw is the present clerk of the corpora- 
tion, and the board of directors elected are T. Jefferson 
Coolidge, George A. Gardner, George Dexter, Charles 
W. Amory, George Von Meyer, T. Jefferson Coolidge, Jr., 


George Wigglesworth, F. C. Dumaine, and Frank P. Car- 
penter. F. C. Dumaine, Boston, is treasurer of the com- 
pany; C. L. Bausher &. Co., New York, are the selling 
agents; Herman F. Straw, agent; Charles H. Manning, 
superintendent; Perry H. Dow, engineer. 

Not all of the power is now furnished by the river, as 
other means have been found necessary to keep the mighty 
round of machinery revolving at all times they are needed. 
The following statistics, taken from the company's own 
table, show the situation in this respect: 


Number of steam turbines I 

Number of horse power furnished by turbine 2,000 

Nnmber of turbine water wheels 34 

Amount of horse power furnished by wheels 16,488 

Number of steam engines 14 

Amount of horse power furnished by engines 20,900 

Number of generators 5 

Amount of horse power furnished by generators 6,700 

Number of electric motors 96 

Amount of horse power furnished by motors 7,000 

Number of boilers 146 

Nominal horse power furnished by boilers , 22,000 

Number of tons of coal consumed per annum 100,000 

Number gallons of oil consumed per annum 60,006 

l|oto Rouses Mx* Jhtmbereb 

tf^lfl LTHOUGH Manchester streets had been numbered 
ZtmI after a fashion previous to that time, no system 
really worthy the name was introduced until about 
1871, when the late ex-Gov. James A. Weston was mayor. 
At that time a Boston directory firm, acting under Gover- 
nor Weston's direction, thoroughly renumbered the city, 
according to a definite system, and the new numbers, 


despite vigorous opposition by a great many property 
owners, were put on and nailed up by the city, which has 
ever since then continued to furnish the numbers. 

The plan then adopted remains in use to-day, practi- 
cally unchanged. If at that time the buildings along Han- 
over street had simply been numbered in rotation, begin- 
ning with Elm, odd numbers on one side of the street and 
even numbers on the other, it would have been necessary 
since then to have changed the numbers dozens of times, 
or else have resorted to the use of fractions when new 
buildings were put up. 

But instead of numbering buildings consecutively, 
without regard to future changes or to vacant lots, an 
entirely different plan was adopted. On Elm street, and 
the more crowded side streets, one number was allowed to 
every twenty-five-foot front, and when a new house or a 
new door went in there it received the number allotted to 
it according to the plan. On some of the side streets one 
number was allowed for every fifty feet, and further back 
one for every one hundred feet. 

The first complete plans in the city engineer's office 
were prepared by George H. Allen, who was one of the 
first city engineers, that office, however, not being estab- 
lished until several years after the numbering was done. 
These plans were put into book form and new plans have 
been made several times since then. The plans at pres- 
ent used are bound in a book and can be easily referred 
to. These plans do not show the numbers that are actually 
on doors of buildings, but instead show the numbers which 
belong to that lot. If there is only one door on that lot 
only one number is used, although the lot may be long 
enough to have half a dozen numbers assigned to it. 
Records of numbers actually placed upon a house are 
kept in another book. It is the practice now to allow one 
number to every twelve and one-half feet of street front. 

Bmos&eag in Carl? Pioneer J^aps 

By Rev. C. W. Wallace, D. D. 

The following interesting historical sketch of Amoskeag and its early 
settlers was written by the late Rev. Cyrus W. Wallace, D. D., and was 
found recently among a lot of old sermons which had been left among his 
effects. The date is not given but it is believed to have been written 
about a third of a century ago for delivery at an anniversary celebration 
in the Amoskeag district. Dr. Wallace, who founded the First Congrega- 
tional Society of this city, formerly preached in Amoskeag and always had 
a warm interest in the locality. The manuscript of the historical address 
is now in possession of his nephew, Mr. Frederick L. Wallace, and is 
reproduced herewith. — Mirror and American. 


S FAR back as the light of history is thrown, the 
place now known as Amoskeag has been one of 
interest to the surrounding country. It was the 
chief residence of a once powerful tribe of Indians, who 
occupied the valley of the Merrimack, from Pawtucket to 
the lake. This tribe was known by the general name of 
Penacooks, though it had several sub-divisions. Those 
whose home was around the falls were the Namaoskeags, 
which means fishing place, from Namaos, fish, and auke, 
place. Hence our contraction, Amoskeag. When we 
speak of Indians and their places of residence we must be 
understood as using language with a great degree of 
license. The Indian was a roving character; his home was 
the wild forest, hunting and fishing were his employments; 
for agriculture he had no taste, and resorted to it only as a 
dire necessity. 

Passaconnaway was the chief of the Penacooks when 
the white man came to New England. He was a wonder- 
ful man. He caught a glimpse of the future greatness of 
his white opponent. History affirms that he met Eliot, 
the apostle of the Indians, at Pawtucket. He listened to 



his preaching, afterwards conversed with him about the 
Christian's God, and professed a belief in Him. How 
much his impressions in regard to the future greatness of 
the English were due to the religious instruction thus 
received we know not. At any rate, he became convinced 
that the Indian was to fade away and the white man take 
his place. Hence he advised his people to make friends 
with them. His words are truly prophetic: 

"The oak will soon break before the whirlwind; it 
shivers and shakes even now; soon its trunk will be pros- 
trate; the ant and the worm will sport upon it; then think, 
my children, of what I say. I commune with the Great 
Spirit. He whispers me now: 'Tell your children, peace, 
peace, is the only hope of your race. I have given fire and 
thunder to the palefaces for weapons. I have made them 
plentier than the leaves ot the forest, and still shall they 
increase. These meadows they will turn with the plow; 
these forests shall fall by the axe; the palefaces shall live 
upon your hunting grounds, and make their villages upon 
your fishing places.' The Great Spirit says this, and it 
must be so. We are few and powerless before them. We 
must bend before the storm. The wind blows hard; the 
old oak trembles; its branches are gone; its sap is frozen; 
it bends; it falls. Peace, peace with the white man is the 
command of the Great Spirit, and the wish, the last wish, 
of Passaconnaway." 

The tribe were so far governed by this advice that they 
ever lived on terms of peace with the English. It is said 
that Wonnalancet, the son and successor of Passaconnaway, 
died here, and that his son, Tahanto, was chief when white 
men came to Amoskeag and Concord. 

There is something sad in the thought of a nation 
passing away. We can sympathize with the sentiment in 
the familiar lines of the poet, which he has woven into 
the wail of the red man, as he looked for the last time upon 
the graves of his fathers, and turned his face toward the 
setting sun: 


"I will go to my tent and lie down in despair; 
I will paint me with black and sever my hair; 
I will sit on the shore when the hurricane blows, 
And reveal to the god of the tempest my woes; 
I will weap for a season, on bitterness fed, 
For my kindred are gone to the mounds of the dead; 
But they died not by hunger or wasting decay — 
The steel of the white man has swept them away." 

I cannot dismiss this allusion to our Indian history 
without acknowledging our indebtednees to the missionary 
Eliot. He labored in the valley of the Merrimack, was 
often at Pawtucket, visited Nashua, and the late Judge 
Bell was of the opinion that he preached at Amoskeag. 
At any rate, Passaconnaway was one of his converts, and 
probably his desire to live at peace with the English grew 
out of this fact. The Indians left this region as a resi- 
dence, about 1685, but probably in their wanderings for 
fifty years afterwards spent much time about the falls. 

The first permanent settlement of white men in this 
region was by the Scotch-Irish at Nutfield, afterwards 
Londonderry, in 17 19. This was followed in 1725 by the 
English at Penacook, now Concord. Both of these set- 
tlements pressed their claims for the possession of the falls 
as a fishing place. No doubt it was a prize worthy of an 
earnest struggle. Concord claimed it under their grant 
from Massachusetts, while the Scotch-Irish founded their 
claim on the authority of the New Hampshire province. 
The advantage, however, was on the part of the Irish. 
Their settlement was nearer, in numbers much larger, and 
they had possession. The first settlers in the neighborhood 
of the falls came from Londonderry, in 1731. No doubt 
the fishing interest was the principal attraction. The shad, 
the salmon and the lamper eel, the last of which the late 
William Stark so poetically eulogized, were the fish here 
caught. If Stark has not very greatly exceeded even poet- 
ical license, we may realize the magnitude of the fishing 
interest at that day. He says: 


"From the eels they formed their food in chief; 
And eels were called the Derryfield beef; 
It was often said that their only care 
And their only wish and their only prayer 
For the present world and the world to come 
Was a string of eels and a jug of rum." 

If all this could be said of the eel, we leave some 
future poet to extol the value of the shad and the salmon. 

Saw and grist mills were built at Amoskeag at a very 
early date. But the first interest of sufficient importance 
to demand our notice was the digging of the canal. This 
was substantially the work of one man — Samuel Blodget. 
He was born at Woburn, Mass., April i, 1724, was an 
officer under Governor Wentworth, a keeper of the king's 
woods, and collector of duties on spirituous liquors. He 
came to this neighborhood in 175 1, and bought a farm on 
Black Brook, two miles from Amoskeag. He was a man 
of great versatility of talent — farmer, merchant, manu- 
facturer of potash, lumber dealer, sutler in the army, in 
the French and Indian War, went to Europe, and there 
was engaged in raising sunken ships, and finally, after hav- 
ing accumulated quite a fortune for that day, he returned, 
and in May, 1794, when seventy years of age, commenced 
the great work of his life — what is known in history as the 
Blodget canal around Amoskeag Falls. The work, how- 
ever, was attended with many difficulties, and his whole 
fortune of thirty or forty thousand dollars was all expended 
before it was completed. He then solicited assistance 
from his friends, and applied to the legislatures of New 
Hampshire and Massachusetts for grants of lotteries to 
raise funds, but as late as 1803 he wrote: "It is very painful 
indeed to me to reflect on a ten years' ardent exertion, at this 
stage of my life, sparing no pains in my power, with the 
utmost stretch of invention, to finish this canal, the 
expense of #60,000 already having been devoted to it, and 
the work not yet completed." 

By continued exertions, however, the canal was com- 
pleted in 1807, about the time of Mr. Blodget's death. 


This work, when we take into view all the difficulties con- 
nected with the prosecution of a new enterprise, stands 
almost unrivalled in the history of New England. The 
morality of raising money by lotteries, even as a last 
resort, is now regarded, certainly by some, as a little 
questionable. Still, if any of the conductors of our 
charitable fairs should think otherwise, and should wish to 
try their luck in a game of chance, I would advertise that 
an abundance of Blodget's old tickets remain unsold and 
can probably be obtained cheap, and will not cheat the 
buyers any more than those of a more recent date. 

It is, however, the manufacture of cloth which now 
distinguishes, and will for a long time to come, Amoskeag. 
The river here falls fifty feet, and the power is immense. 
As in the case of the canal, it was a single mind that led 
the way in the development of this great enterprise. 
Benjamin Pritchard was here the moving power. We first 
hear of him as a resident of New Ipswich, and engaged in 
manufacturing there. Machinery was used in that town 
for spinning cotton by water power in 1803, and was the 
first in the state. 

Mr. Pritchard paid his last tax in New Ipswich in 1807, 
and in March, 18 10, we find his mill in operation at Amos- 
keag. The property was then owned by a joint stock 
company, divided into one hundred shares. At the first 
meeting fifty-five shares were sold, of which Mr. Pritchard 
took twenty-five. The building which was then erected 
was about forty feet square and two stories high. The 
only machinery placed in it was for spinning, and the only 
machine then used for that purpose was the jenny. This 
machine was first put in operation in England in 1767, and 
was the earliest improvement on spinning after the one- 
thread wheel, doing its work substantially on the same 
plan, only instead of one it drew out several threads at the 
same time. 

The water to carry this machinery at Amoskeag was 
from the mill dam of Ephraim and Robert Stevens They 


gave bonds to the amount of two thousand dollars, as the 
obligation reads, to furnish "so much water as shall be 
sufficient for carrying an old-fashioned undershot corn mill 
at all seasons of the year and at all days in the year, so long 
as water is needed for carrying on the manufacturing of 
cotton and wool at that place." For this they were to 
receive ten dollars annually. Five years later twelve dol- 
lars per annum was paid for furnishing water sufficient to 
run the Amoskeag cotton and woolen mill. 

From 1810 to 1819 spinning was the only work done 
here. It is interesting to learn how this now simple oper- 
ation was then performed. After the cotton was received 
it was given out into families, in lots of from fifty to one 
hundred pounds, to be picked. This was done by first 
whipping the cotton in a rude frame. This whipping 
machine was a unique article, perhaps thirty inches square, 
across which common cord line was woven at right angles, 
leaving spaces of half an inch; on three sides were placed 
boards, and the whole raised on posts breast high. On 
this the cotton was placed, and whipped with two sticks, 
like the common ox goad. This old whipping machine, 
operated by a boy, has given place to the picker of our 

Some years after the manufacture of yarn was com- 
menced, perhaps because the market was more than sup- 
plied, the company introduced the weaving of cloth. This 
was done on hand looms in the neighborhood. The writer 
well recollects having seen the agent of Amoskeag mills, 
Jotham Gillis, carrying out yarn for this purpose. It was 
before the days of railroads, even before carriages, if we 
except the old "one horse shay," and Mr. Gillis was upon 
horseback, six miles away, with bundles of yarn tied about 
his saddle. 

This order of things continued till 18 19, when the 
power loom was introduced, only five years after its intro- 
duction into the country. The first was put in operation 
in Waltham, Mass., by Mr. Adams, the father of Phinebas 


Adams, the present agent of the Stark Mills. The loom 
had then been in operation in England from twenty to 
twenty-five years. No single invention perhaps has ever 
wrought such wonders in the civilized world as the power 
loom. Strange to say, it was the work of an English 
clergyman, the Rev. Dr. Cartwright, who invented it in 
1787; and, stranger still, it was accomplished by a man who 
had no practical mechanical knowledge, and after the most 
skillful mechanics of that day had affirmed, again and 
again, that a machine requiring so many different motions 
was an impossibility. Such was the opposition to the 
introduction of so great a labor-saving machine that the 
first successful establishment, containing five hundred 
looms, built at Manchester, England, was destroyed by an 
exasperated mob in 1790. Alas for human folly! How 
vain to resist the march of intellect and progress! 

When the power loom was introduced at Amoskeag 
the mill was owned and operated by a Mr. Babbitt, who 
sold it in 1822 to Olney Robinson of Rhode Island, who 
again disposed of it in 1826. So far, from the best infor- 
mation I can obtain, manufacturing at Amoskeag had been 
substantially a series of failures. Indeed it was an inter- 
est of very small value. If we suppose the company 
formed in 1810 valued the shares at $100 each, the whole 
was only $10,000. The statement of Hartford Ide, who 
came to Amoskeag in 1823, and remained till 1831, is, that 
when Mr. Robinson bought he paid for the mill and 
machinery, a sawmill and grist mill, the whole water priv- 
ilege and several acres of land about two thousand dollars. 
At the same period, Mr. Ide affirms, only four looms were 
in operation and ten girls employed in the mill. 

Mr. Robinson improved the property while he was at 
Amoskeag. He made an addition to the old building, 
erected a new one, eighty feet by forty, and increased the 
value of the property in other respects. But the amount 
of manufacturing was but slightly increased till about the 
time he left. The enterprise now passed entirely into the 


hands of men possessed alike of property, energy and 
skill. They were five in number — Messrs. Pitcher and 
Slater of Rhode Island, Oliver Dean, Lyman Tiffany and 
Willard Sayles of Boston. 

A third mill was built at Amoskeag in 1825, and 
beyond this little was clone for several years, excepting to 
prepare for the far more extensive works on the east side 
of the river, where spindles were put in operation in 1839. 
Within seven years all the mills at Amoskeag were 
destroyed by fire, and have never been rebuilt. 

It is no part of my present purpose to refer to mat- 
ters of so recent date and so near at hand as the manufac- 
turing interests of this city. To those outside it looks like 
a success. At any rate, it is a controlling interest, out of 
which the city of Manchester, with all its interests, has 
grown. But while it has been the means of wealth to the 
few, has the transfer of manufacturing from the family to 
the mill been an advantage to the community? To settle 
this question we need to consider it in various aspects. 
First, its growth. The late Frederick G. Stark, who was 
agent of the mill at Amoskeag in 181 3, states that for fif- 
teen days in succession, in October, there were spun three 
hundred and fifty-eight skeins of yarn per day, valued at 
twenty-nine dollars and twenty-two cents, amounting to 
little more than nine thousand dollars a year. Now the 
product of Manchester Mills is over ten million dollars per 
annum, of which over three million dollars are paid for labor. 
Second, the value of labor. When F. G. Stark made oath 
that he would faithfully perform the duties of agent, he was 
to receive fifteen dollars per month; whether with this muni- 
ficent salary he received board we are not informed; 
neither can we say how much the agents of Manchester 
Mills are now paid. Just previous to this date we find this 
entry upon the books: "Agreed with Mr. Robinson to 
build machinery and superintend the business in the fac- 
toro for three dollars fifty cents per day, including the 
labor of Harvey Robinson, and furnish said Robinson 


with suitable board, they finding their own spirits." At 
the same time a Mr. Cushing received one dollar twenty- 
five cents per day, finding his own board. The highest 
price paid for woman's labor at this time was one dollar 
per week. Men in all ordinary employments received from 
ten to twelve dollars per month. At the same period com- 
mon shirtings and sheetings cost from thirty to forty 
cents per yard, and calico from forty to fifty cents per 

We may struggle as hard to live as our fathers did, but 
it is because we consume so much more. Our dwellings 
are better, modes of traveling superior, while in dress the 
quantity and quality have enormously increased. To fur- 
nish one season's outfit for a woman with only moderate 
pretensions requires a greater outlay than it did for our 
fathers to clothe a family, even as numerous as John 
Rogers', for a whole year. 

In 1 813 four cents per pound was paid merely for 
picking cotton. Within the last twenty-five years it has 
been taken in the bale and manufactured into cloth for the 
same price per pound. 

Before the power loom went into operation, from eight 
to sixteen cents per yard was paid for weaving. Now quite 
a good article can be purchased for less money. 

But we will pursue this inquiry no farther. The 
change has come. Labor-saving machinery has entered 
every department of industry, and it will hold its place. It 
is the part of true wisdom for men to adapt themselves to 
this new order of things, that the blessings flowing from 
these great improvements may be secured. 

The Knight of Derryfield 

A Fugitive Paper by Hon. Albert Moore Spear, Great-great- 
grandson of Major John Moor. Contributed by Mrs. Lina 
Moore McKenny. 

The following excellent article, reprinted from "The Journal of 
American History," possesses especial interest to all descendants of the 
first families in our state. — Editor. 

He lay upon his dying bed, 

His eyes were growing dim; 
When with a feeble voice he called 

His weeping son to him. 

"Weep not, my boy," the veteran said, 
"I bow to Heaven's high will; 
But quickly from yon antlers bring 
The sword of Bunker Hill." 

The sword was brought; the soldier's eye 

Lit with a sudden flame, 
And as he grasped the ancient blade, 

He murmnred Warren's name. 

Then said, "My boy, I leave you gold, 

But what is richer still, 
I leave you, mark me, mark me now, 

The sword of Bunker Hill. 

"Oh, keep that sword," — his accents broke — 
A smile and he was dead; 
But his withered hand still grasped the blade 
Upon that dying bed. 

The son remains, the sword remains, 

Its glory growing still, 
And twenty millions bless that sire 

And the sword of Bunker Hill. 



TT IVING as we do, surrounded by a mighty civiliza- 
3JJ tion, occupying mountain, valley, hill and plain 
from sea to sea; traversing space with the speed 
of the winds; spanning the oceans with the palaces of the 
deep; sending messages with lightning; living amidst these 
glories of the twentieth century and the splendor of its 
opening days — little do we comprehend the sorrows and 
the woes of the dark days when homes were the clearings 
in the forest; sustenance the caprice of the season; music 
the bay of the roaming beasts; safety the mercy of the 
Indian's knife; hope the return of their patriotic brave. 

It is of one who knew these hardships that I here 
relate — Major John Moor, whose bravery in the American 
Revolution won him promotion, and who as a captain in 
many battles in the French and Indian War blazed the 
path for civilization. The Moor family, of which Major 
John was a member, migrated from Scotland to London- 
derry, in the north of Ireland, about the year 1616. From 
there they came to this country in 1718, and settled in 
New Hampshire. The "Town Papers of New Hampshire," 
volume 12, page 429, show that on June 21, 1722, John 
Moor and one hundred and seventeen others were granted 
a township which they had incorporated by the name of 
Londonderry, in honor of the county in Ireland from which 
they had emigrated. In religious belief they were Scotch 
Presbyterians. The name was originally spelled Moor, 
the letter e being omitted, but later generations adopted 
the present spelling. 

The first record of the name is of one Samuel Moor, 
who married Deborah Butterfield and settled in Litchfield, 
then called Naticott, New Hampshire. They had six chil- 
dren, the second of whom was John. He was born Novem- 
ber 28, 1 73 1. He married Margaret (Peggy) Goffe, and 
settled in Manchester, New Hampshire, then called Derry- 
field. The family of Deborah Butterfield, the mother of 
our John Moor, came from a distinguished Norman family 
that arrived in England in the twelfth century, the head of 
the family being Robert de Buterville. 


During the French and Indian War, when Colonel 
Johnson led 6,000 men against the French, New Hamp- 
shire furnished 500, one company being under Captain John 
Moor of Derryfield. On the twenty-sixth of August they 
arrived at Fort Edward, where Colonel Blanchard, with a 
regiment from New Hampshire, was left in charge of the 
fort. After this came the Battle of Lake George, in which 
the New England sharpshooters did valiant service. In the 
French and Indian War he won a reputation for courage 
and energy. After the conquest of Canada, he quietly 
settled down upon his farm at Cohas Brook. 

When the alarm came in 1775, Captain John Moor of 
Derryfield led a company of forty-five men to Lexington. 
Upon arriving there he found that the British had retired 
into Boston. He marched to Cambridge, and on April 
twenty-fourth was commissioned by the Massachusetts 
Committee of Safety a captain in Stark's regiment. 

John Moor's bravery at Bunker Hill makes him a hero 
whose name should be illuminated on the rolls of Amer- 
ican chivalry. It was he who, with a few New Hampshire 
farmers, faced the Welsh Fusileers, the flower of the 
British Army, and the famous regiment that had fought 
with distinction at Minden, gaining the title of the "Prince 
of Wales Regiment." 

It was on the morning of June 17, 1775. The Amer- 
ican Revolutionists were inviting the king's soldiers to a 
test of arms, and, with the spectacular manceuvering of 
the Old World military pageants, the British warrors, vet- 
erans of many gallantly won battle-days, moved toward 
the audacious Yankee farmers with the precision and cool- 
ness of a dress parade, and with the confidence and fear- 
lessness born of conflict with greater and more learned 
enemies, the grenadiers and light infantry marching in 
single file, twelve feet apart, the artillery advancing and 
thundering as it advanced, while five battalions, moving 
more slowly, approached the fence, breastwork, and 
redoubt, forming an oblique line. The best troops of Eng- 


land assailed the New Hampshire line, doubtless expect- 
ing those half-armed provincials in home-spun clothes 
would fly before the nodding plumes and burnished arms 
of the light infantry and before the flashing bayonets and 
tall caps of the grenadiers. 

Behind the fence, upon which they had placed grass to 
conceal themselves, lay, still as death, Captain John Moor 
and his men from Amoskeag, New Hampshire. 

Now and then came a challenging shot from the bril- 
liant British pageant, singing over their heads and cutting 
the boughs of the apple trees behind them. 

Colonel Stark had planted a stake about eighty yards 
from the wall and fence, and had given orders to his men 
not to fire until the advancing line of the enemy should 
reach the stake. 

On came the Welsh Fusileers, haughty and defiant. 
Still there came no response from the Yankee farmers. 

Bang! Bang! Bang! The deadline had been crossed! 
Like a storm of thunder and lightning and lead there 
burst across their vision a mass of death-dealing flame, so 
intense, so continuous, so staggering, that the flower of 
England wavered, recoiled, and fell back repulsed. 

Again and again they rallied to the attack, only to 
again and again back fall blinded, wounded and depleted. 
One by one the brave grenadiers and light infantry fell 
before the Amoskeag farmers. One by one the gallant 
officers staggered to the earth, until broken in heart the 
living broke ranks and fled in dismay before the musketry 
of the hunters from the New Hampshire forests. 

And when the smoke had cleared, ninety-six lifeless 
red-coats lay before the feet of Captain John Moor and 
his daring patriots, and nearly every officer and aid of 
General Howe lay wounded or dead. It is not too much 
to assume that if the rest of the American lines had been 
defended with equal success the entire British force would 
have been driven from the hill or annihilated. 


When the dead were counted, after the battle-day at 
Bunker Hill, Major McClary was among the lifeless, and 
Captain John Moor was called to the rank of major. He 
remained with the army for a few months, when the state 
of his wife's health obliged him to return to his farm. In 
the spring of 1777 Major Moor again enlisted among those 
of Derryfield, and retired from the army in 1778, when he 
removed to Norridgewock, at which place and North Anson, 
Me., he passed the remainder of his life. 

Goffe Moor, son of John Moor, was also at the Battle 
of Bunker Hill, and was a drummer boy in his father's 
company. He was also a member of Captain Thomas Mc- 
Laughlin's company in Stark's regiment, in October, 1775. 

An examination of the New Hampshire records dis- 
closes that Major Moor was a man who stood well among 
his neighbors as a civilian. I find that he filled nearly all 
of the municipal and parish offices in the gift of his people 
before he left New Hampshire. As to his career after he 
came to Maine, I quote from "Allen's History of Norridge- 
wock": "In 1780, Major John Moor, who had been an 
officer in the army, came to this place in his uniform with 
epaulettes and insignia of rank, and excited considerable 
attention by his dress and address. He had four sons, who 
came with him. Having lost his wife, he married Mrs. 
Eunice Weston (Eunice Farnsworth), the widow of Joseph 
Weston, the first settler in Canaan. He was a man of 
more than ordinary talents, was respected for his intelli- 
gence and activity, and was a useful citizen. A financial 
report of the town affairs, in 1791, was drawn up by him in 
a correct and business-like manner, and remains (1849) in 
the files of the town papers. When the militia in the 
vicinity was reorganized, he was chosen colonel, and was 
esteemed as an officer and gentleman. He was granted a 
large lot, on which North Anson Village is now situated, 
and died there in 1809." 

Major Moor had no children from his second marriage. 
The tenderness of Major Moor is a prominent feature of 
the traditions concerning him. 

<3Tf)e battle of Bennington 

By Dr. William 0. Stillman 

The following extracts are taken from an address delivered by Dr. 
Stillman before the New York Historical Association at its annual meet- 
ing in the court house at Lake George, August 16, 1904. The parts 
omitted consist mainly of his plea for a monument in New York state to 
commemorate the battle. — Editor. 

/^^"^O-DAY is the anniversary of an heroic battle of 
' Cr I j the American Revolution, which marked the 
^^^ turning point in that memorable contest which 
has stood for so much in the annals of the world. For the 
first time the untried and untrained settlers, fighting for 
home and liberty, prevailed decisively against the veteran 
legions of Europe. Hitherto this had been deemed an 
impossibility. It is the conquering of such impossibilities 
which always brings glory. 

As the result of the bloody conflict on the banks of 
the Walloomsac on that "memorable day," the Americans 
captured according to the statement of General Stark, 
their commander, in his report to General Gates, dated 
August 22, 1777, seven hundred prisoners (including the 
wounded) and counted two hundred and seven of enemy 
dead on the field of battle. Stark stated his own losses to 
have been "about forty wounded and thirty killed." 

When we consider that Burgoyne gave one thousand 
and fifty as the total British force engaged in this battle 
under Cols. Baum and Brayman, and that the Americans 
captured or killed over nine hundred men, and seized 
several hundred muskets and all the British cannon, the 
overwhelming character of the victory is apparent. Its 
importance was, however, greater in its moral than in its 
immediate physical effects. 



Lord George Germain, the British Minister in charge 
of the war in the States, characterized Burgoyne's raid 
toward Bennington as "fatal" to the English and pro- 
nounced it as "the cause of all the subsequent misfortunes." 
General Burgoyne, in his review of the evidence produced at 
at the inquiry before the House of Commons (see A State 
of the Expedition from Canada, as laid before the House 
of Commons, by Lieutenant-General Burgoyne, published 
London, 1780, page 108) indignantly denies the force of 
this charge, saying that in was "a common accident of war, 
independent of any general action, unattended by any loss 
that could affect the main strength of the army, and little 
more than a miscarriage of a foraging party." He scouts 
the idea that it could "have been fatal to a whole cam- 
paign." General Burgoyne seems to have forgotten that 
he had written to Lord George Germain, long before, a 
letter marked ''private," from his camp at Saratoga, under 
date of August 20, 1777, in which he said, "In regard to 
the affair of Saintcoick (Walloomsac), . . . Had I succeeded, 
1 should have affected a junction with St. Leger, and been 
now before Albany. . . . Had my instructions been fol- 
lowed . . . success would probably have ensued, mis- 
fortune would certainly have been avoided. I did not 
think it prudent, in the present crisis, to mark these cir- 
cumstances to the public so strongly as I do in confidence 
to your Lordship." There is more to the same effect. 

If this stroke of fortune brought consternation to the 
English it brought hope and happiness to the Colonists. 
"One more such stroke," said Washington when informed 
of the defeat of the royalists, "and we shall have no great 
cause for anxiety as to the future designs of Britain:" In 
writing Putnam he expressed the hope that New England 
would rise and crush Burgoyne's entire army. It is a 
curious instance of Washington's almost prophetic instinct 
that he had been longing for just this sort of a misfortune 
to seize the enemy, for on July 22, 1777, he had written to 
General Schuyler: "Could we be so happy as to cut off 


one of his (Burgoyne's) detachments, supposing it should 
not exceed four, five or six hundred men, it would inspirit 
the people and do away much of their present anxiety. In 
such an event they would lose sight of past misfortunes, 
fly to arms and afford every aid in their power." 

The battle on the Walloomsac aroused a patriotic 
furor throughout the states. Jefferson called it "the first 
link in the chain of successes which issued in the surrender 
at Saratoga." 

Within three days General Schuyler wrote Stark: 
"The signal victory you have gained, and the severe loss 
the enemy have received, cannot fail of producing the 
most salutary results." Within a week the bells were 
ringing in Boston and Philadelphia, and the whole people 
devoutly gave thanks for this interposition of Divine pro- 
tection. St. Leger, the British general beleaguering Fort 
Stanwix on the far off Mohawk, also heard of it, and in 
spite of his bloody victory at Oriskany Creek, slunk off to 
the St. Lawrence. His dream of conquest and of the 
occupancy of Albany was ended. The gifted Baroness 
Riedesel, in Burgoyne's camp wrote: "This unfortunate 
event paralyzed at once our operations." 

The effect of this great victory, on the Continental 
soldiers, was marvelous. The brave and daring Vermont 
troops, under Cols. Warner and Herrick, were emboldened 
to attack the royalists at Lake George Landing, with the 
result that the vessels were captured which might have 
afforded Burgoyne's army escape to Canada. Recruits 
began to flock to the Federal army on the upper Hudson. 
The New England troops soon joined them. The British 
depots of supplies of provisions were sought out and 
raided. Gradually the condition of the king's army grew 
more and more desperate. A thousand men lost at 
Walloomsac reduced their forces from 7,000 to 6,000, and 
the 4,000 Continental soldiers facing them was rapidly 
increased under the benign influences of success to nearly 
17,000 men (16,942 as given in General Gates' statement 
of October 16, 1777). 


It will thus be seen that the battle on the Walloomsac 
was undoubtedly the turning point of British success in 
America. It gave the prestige and caused the delay of a 
month in Burgoyne's movements, which were necessary 
to make Gates' army strong enough to resist him. It 
made possible the great victory at Saratoga which deter- 
mined the destinies of a continent and is ranked along 
with Marathon and Hastings as one of the fifteen great 
battles of the world. 

The naming of battles goes largely, like the naming 
of babies, by favor and accident. At the Bennington 
anniversary on the year following the contest, the occur- 
rence was referred to by the secretary of the celebration 
as the "battle at Bennington," and it soon passed into his- 
tory as such. Bennington was the nearest large settle- 
ment and the plans for defense centered there. There 
were no large towns near at hand in New York. Had a 
celebration been held near the scene of the strife in this 
state soon after this event, I doubt not it would have been 
christened the Battle of Walloomsac," just as Oriskany 
was named after the adjacent stream and Saratoga after 
the village close to which that fight occurred. It is a 
curious thing that neither Stark nor Burgoyne were accus- 
tomed to refer to the battle as that of Bennington. Stark 
several times characterized it, as I have indicated in the 
title selected for this address, as the "battle at Walloom- 
sac," and Burgoyne more than once has referred to it as the 
"affair at Saint Coicks Mill," or plain "Saint Coicks," 
which was the spot where the first skirmish began and last 
fight ended. 

While New Hampshire furnished the commanding 
general, the sagacious and brave Stark, and more than 
half the troops, Massachusetts and Vermont divided the 
remaining part not so very unequally between them. New 
York furnished the battle field and a very considerable 



sprinkling of men besides. It should be borne in mind 
that every available man from that part of New York 
State was with the main American army before Burgoyne. 
Poor New York at this period was distracted. She was 

being ground between the upper and nether millstones at 
Saratoga and New York. King George III, on July 20, 
1764, by royal decree had declared that what is now Ver- 
mont was part of the Province of New York. Before that 
it had been by common consent considered a part of New 


Hampshire. From 1765 to 1777 there had been a most 
bitter legal war, oftentimes threatening serious bloodshed, 
between the people of this section and the authorities in 
New York, who regarded the revolt against the King's 
grant as unwarranted. It was a sadly mixed quarrel with 
varying right and wrong on our part.* 

On January 15, 1777, Vermont declared her independ- 
ence and soon after adopted her present name, having first 
chosen New Connecticut, which was soon abandoned. 
She was therefore in a state of open rebellion against New 
York, and had declared herself a fourteenth State, which 
was not, however, as yet recognized by the other thirteen 
of the United States. 

In spite of this New York treated her with marked 
consideration. Colonel Warner and his regiment of Ver- 
monters, which were a regular part of the Continental 
army, were ordered by General Schuyler, of New York, to 
protect his home territory, in an order previous to July 14, 
1777. On July 15, General Schuyler sent to Colonel 
Warner an order for clothing for his troops in Vermont, of 
which they were very much in need, and also $4,000 for 
their pay, which was all he could spare from his depleted 
treasury. On July 16, General Schuyler in writing Ira 
Allen, Secretary of the Vermont Council of Safety, 
stated that he had ordered Colonel Simmonds (who had 
some 400 or 500 men under him) from Massachusetts to 
his assistance. On the same date General Schuyler 
wrote to Colonel Warner, "I am this moment informed 
by Captain Fitch that the New Hampshire militia 
are marching to join me. It is (not) my intention, 
much as I am in want of troops, that they should come 
hither, as it would expose the country in that quarter to 
the depredations of the enemy. I therefore enclose you 
an order for them to join you." Thus the gallant Stark, 
whose name was even then a thing to conjure with, through 

*See Vermont Grants, Vol. 5 of Granite State Magazine. 


the generosity of New York's wise General, the noble 
Philip Schuyler, came to the rescue of Vermont and saved 
the day at Walloomsac. Local differences were forgotten 
in the desire for the common good. Stark and Warner 
soon after the battle joined the main continental army on 
the Hudson, The services of Col. John Williams and his 
party, from New York State, who offered their services to 
Vermont at the time of the fight should not be forgotten. 

I have ventured to devote some little attention to the 
relation of New York to this famous battle, with an expla- 
nation of conditions which should make clearer the impor- 
tant part she played and the powerful forces which con- 
trolled and limited her action. Her position has been at 
times misunderstood if not misrepresented. 

These were truly times which tried men's souls. The 
territory involved in the war was honeycombed with 
treachery and defection. A straw was liable to turn the 
tide either way at this pivotal moment. If Baum had 
retired on his reserves at the proper time it is doubtful 
whether Stark's forces could have overcome the enemy 
before Burgoyne had given reinforcements in force as 

If Baum's expedition had been delayed two or three 
days, Stark would in all probability have joined Schuyler 
and success would have crowned the British efforts. If 
Baum had pushed rapidly forward two days sooner, he 
would have found the patriots unprepared, have secured his 
provisions, and have completed his raid to Connecticut and 
Albany with success. St. Leger would not have been 
frightened off on the Mohawk, and Burgoyne would have 
forced his victorious march to Albany as anticipated. The 
destinies of a Continent were in the balance, and fortune 
and chance were playing a desperate game. Conditions 
were so bad that when the Vermont Council made its 
appeal to New Hampshire for assistance there was a per- 
ceptible chance of the entire state going over to the 
royalists. The Vermont Council used these significant 



words: "Our good disposition to defend ourselves and 
make a frontier for your State with our own cannot be car- 
ried into execution without your assistance. Should you 
send immediate assistance we can help you, and should you 
neglect till we are put to the necessity of taking protec- 
tion '(from the King's government)' you readily know it is 
in a moment out of our power to assist you." The die 
would have been cast. Vermont would have been obliged 
to have sworn allegiance to the English king or have been 
given over as the spoils of war to plunder. Sections had 
already accepted such protection. 

Such was the condition of things when the battle on 
the Walloomsac was fought. Truly great events turn on 
small hinges. Shall we, the inheritors of the benefactions 
of these auspicious happenings, refuse to erect a monu- 
ment in gratitude and patriotism to mark the spot where 
despotism in this favored land received a fatal blow and 
liberty became for our valiant sires something more than a 
hopeless dream. 


park's Jnfcepenfcent Commanh at 

By Herbert D. Foster, with the Collaboration of Thomas W. 


^j^kN THE 1 8th of July, twelve days after the Amer- 
\£ K7 icans abandoned Fort Ticonderoga, there was 
^ laid before the General Court of New Hamp- 
shire a vigorous appeal to aid "the defenceless inhabitants 
on the frontier" of Vermont, who "are heartily disposed to 
Defend their Liberties . . . and make a frontier for your 
State with their own." "You will naturally understand 
that when we cease to be a frontier your state must take 
it," was the shrewd hint with which Ira Allen closed his 
letter. Seldom has there been made a speech with clearer 
vision and more immediate and lasting effect than was 
made on that day by Speaker John Langdon. In four 
ringing sentences, he put "At the service of the State" 
his worldly goods of those days — "hard money," "plate," 
and "Tobago Rum." Then he added this prophecy: 

"We can raise a brigade; and our friend Stark, who 
so nobly sustained the honor of our arms at Bunker's Hill, 
may safely be entrusted with the command, and we will 
check Burgoyne." 

With this pledge and prophecy, New Hampshire began 
her share in the campaign which made Bennington and 
Saratoga possible. On that same day the first part of the 
prophecy was fulfilled by the election of John Stark as 
Brigadier General. Before a month had passed, "our 
friend Stark" had fulfilled the remainder; he had raised a 
brigade, and he had "checked Burgoyne" at Bennington. 



How the Battle of Bennington was won is an interest- 
ing tale; but it has been told often and well, by the victors, 
by the vanquished, by the critics of both, and finally by 
the critics of one another. The object of this paper, 
therefore, is not to describe the battle, but rather to show 
how there came to be an American force at Bennington 
capable of fighting any battle. 

A score of the participants in the battle, and more 
than a score of the participants in what we may venture to 
call the campaign of Bennington, have left us fragments 
of the story. These fragments, printed and unprinted, 
have been collected by the writers of this article and put 
together into a daily record from the pen of the partici- 
pants—American, British, and German. These contestants 
reveal, in their sequence, the actions and motives of both 
parties in the struggle. Their combined daily record 
sheds somewhat more of the white light of truth, or at 
least the gray light of history, on the causes and results 
of Stark's Independent Command, which proved such a 
vital factor in the campaign. From the participants we 
may hope to glean a clearer and therefore juster idea of 
why the independent command was granted by New 
Hampshire; second, how it enabled Stark to carry out the 
sound strategy once planned by Schuyler, always approved 
by Washington, and fortunately insisted upon by Stark and 
the Vermont Council; and third, how it was regarded by 
Stark's fellow soldiers and citizens, by the Continental 
officers, and by Congress. 

On the 18th of July, after John Langdon's speech, 
New Hampshire, under extraordinary circumstances took 
unusual action which gave rise to much discussion and 
criticism. The General Court appointed "the Hon ble Wil- 
liam Whipple Esq." and "the Hon bl John Stark Esq." 
Brigadier Generals, and voted "that the said Brigadier 
Generals be always amenable for their conduct to the Gen- 
eral Court or Committee of Safety for the time being." 
It is the omission that is significant: Stark was not made 


se amenable" to Congress, to the officers of the Continental 
Army, or to continental regulations. 

The reasons which led New Hampshire to give Stark 
this independent command are set forth clearly in an 
unpublished letter of Josiah Bartlett, written a month 
after the battle was fought. Bartlett was a member of the 
General Court which appointed Stark, and of the New 
Hampshire Committee of Safety which gave him his 
instructions; and after the Battle of Bennington, he was 
sent to advise Stark. Bartlett was also a Colonel in the 
New Hampshire militia, had twice represented his state in 
Congress, and later was to serve her as a Chief Justice 
and as Governor. Because of his intimate knowledge of 
state affairs, his wide experience, and his sound judgment, 
the following opinions are entitled to unusual confidence. 

"I am much Surprized to hear the uneasiness Ex- 
pressed by the Congress at the orders given him, [Stark] by 
this state; I think it must be owing to their not Knowing 
our Situation at that time. The Enemy appeared to be 
moving down to our frontiers and no man to oppose them 
but the militia and Col. Warners Regiment not Exceeding 
150 men, and it was impossible to raise the militia to be 
under the Command of Gen ls in whom they had no Confi- 
dence, and who might immediately call them to the South- 
ward and leave their wives and families a prey to the 
enemy: and had Gen 1 Starks gone to Stillwater agreable 
to orders; there would have been none to oppose Col 
Baum in carrying Gen 1 Burgoine's orders into Execution: 
No State wishes more Earnestly to keep up the union than 
New Hampshire, but Surely Every State has a right to 
raise their militia for their own Defence against the Com- 
mon Enemy and to put them under such Command as 
they shall think proper without giving just cause of uneasi- 
ness to the Congress. As to the State giving such orders 
to Gen 1 Starks, because he had not the rank he thought 
himself entitled to, (which seems to be intimated) I can 
assure you is without foundation and I believe never 


entered the mind of any of the Committee of Safety who 
gave the orders; however I hope by this time the Congress 
are convinced of the upright intentions of the State and 
the propriety of their conduct. ..." 

No more convincing statement of the reasons for 
granting the independent command could be given to-day. 
The only query is: do the facts substantiate Bartlett's 
statements as to the causes and results of the independ- 
ent command? 

The statement as to the lack of confidence in the 
generals of the Northern Department is only too amply 
substantiated. "The people are disgusted, disappointed and 
alarmed," wrote the New York Council of Safety on the 27th 
of July, to the New Hampshire Committee of Safety. To 
General Putnam even more explicitly they wrote: "The 
evacuation of Ticonderoga appears to the Council highly 
reprehensible . . . absurd and probably criminal." "I 
. . . agree with you," replied the Chairman of the New 
Hampshire Committee, "that the loss of Ticonderoga, in 
the manner it was left, has occasioned the loss of all confi- 
dence, among the people in these parts, in the general offi- 
cers of that department." The investigations by Con- 
gress, the letters of Washington, John Adams, Samuel 
Adams, Jonathan Trumbull, Jr., Van Cortlandt, and of 
less known soldiers and civilians show that the distrust was 
deep and widespread. Schuyler himself, the commander 
of the Northern Department, finding himself at Fort 
Edward "at the head of a handful of men — not above 
fifteen hundred," and "the country in the deepest conster- 
nation," wrote to Washington: "what could induce the 
general officers to a step which has ruined our affairs in 
this quarter, God only knows." The loss of confidence 
was the more dangerous because known and reckoned on 
by the enemy. Philip Skene, Burgoyne's Tory adviser, 
wrote to Lord Dartmouth on the 15th of July: "The men 
want confidence in their officers and their Off rs in their 
men." "The King," says Walpole, "on receiving the 


account of taking Ticonderoga, ran into the Queen's room 
crying, 'I have beat them! beat all the Americans!' " 

There may have been much prejudice and misunder- 
standing involved in the distrust of the general officers, 
and in the case of Schuyler there undoubtedly was, for he 
has been amply vindicated as a brave and capable officer 
accomplishing a thankless task under peculiarly difficult 
circumstances. The distrust was, however, so widespread 
and ineradicable, and the danger so pressing, that decisive 
measures had to be adopted. 

With Stark's acceptance of an independent command, 
the situation changed at once. The enthusiasm was so 
great that the rapidity of recruiting and enlisting seems 
almost incredible. On the very day of Stark's appoint- 
ment, Captain McConnell of Pembroke, a delegate to the 
Assembly, "engaged" for the service. The next day, the 
19th of August, he, and Captain Bradford of Amherst and 
Captain Parker of New Ipswich, some sixty miles from 
Exeter, had recruited three companies of 221 men. The 
news swept up the Merrimack valley on Sunday the 20th 
of July, through Hudson and Hollis, Londonderry and 
Epsom, Loudon and Boscawen, to Salisbury, fifty-eight 
miles distant from Exeter, where Ebenezer Webster, 
father of Daniel Webster, raised his company of fifty- 
four men. 

"As soon as it was decided to raise volunteer com- 
panies and place them under the command of Gen. Stark, 
Col. Hutchins [delegate from Concord] mounted his horse, 
and travelling all night with all possible haste, reached 
Concord on Sabbath afternoon, before the close of public 
service. Dismounting at the meeting-house door, he 
walked up the aisle of the church while Mr. Walker was 
preaching. Mr. Walker paused in his sermon, and said — 
'Col. Hutchins, are you the bearer of any message?' 'Yes,' 
replied the Colonel: 'Gen. Burgoyne, with his army, is on 
his march to Albany. Gen. Stark has offered to take the 
command of the New Hampshire men: and, if we all turn 


out, we can cut off Burgoyne's march.' Whereupon Rev. 
Mr. Walker said — 'My hearers, those of you who are will- 
ing to go, better leave at once.' At which word all the 
men in the meeting-house rose and went out. Many 
immediately enlisted. The whole night was spent in 
preparation, and a company was ready to march next day." 
There must have been many similar scenes on that Sun- 
day of recruiting, for before it ended seven companies of 
419 men were enlisted. 

On the third day of recruiting, seven more companies, 
numbering 390 men, volunteered under Captains from 
Chester and Pelham in the southeast; from Lyndeboro; 
and then, on the other side of the watershed, from 
Rindge, from Walpole and from Charlestown, one hundred 
and ten miles to the northwest on the Connecticut; and 
from Plymouth nearly as for distant on the northern fron- 
tier, Five more companies numbering 252 men, enlisted 
on the next day, the 22nd of July, under Captains from 
Hopkinton, Gilmanton, and Sanbornton in the Merrimack 
region, and from Gilsum and Chesterfield in the southwest 
in the Connecticut basin. On the 23d of July, two com- 
panies enlisted under Captains from Chesterfield in the 
southwestern corner and from Hanover on the northwest- 
ern frontier; and on the following day the last of the 
twenty-five companies was recruited. 

In these six days of recruiting, from the 19th to the 
24th of July, 1,492 officers and men had enlisted to serve 
under Stark, and many of them had already begun their 
march to join him. The number of volunteers is the more 
remarkable, if we remember that in the sparsely settled 
state, with its scattered hamlets, most of them settled in 
the last generation, there were only 15,436 polls, accord- 
ing to the returns of that year. This would mean that 
nearly one man in ten of a voting age volunteered. In 
many of the towns more than ten per cent, of the 
males over sixteen years old volunteered. In half a 
dozen towns taken at random in different sections of 

stark's command at bennington 187 

the state, there enlisted on an average over fifteen per 
cent. In Chesterfield, out of 221 males over sixteen, 
twenty-one volunteered, or 9% per cent.; in Hanover, 9.8 
per cent.; in Concord, over ten per cent.; in Swanzey, 12 
per cent; in Candia, 25 per cent.; and in Salisbury under 
Captain Ebenezer Webster, forty-one men volunteered, or 
over 36 per cent, of the male population over sixteen years 

Three facts explain this almost incredible swiftness of 
enlistment: first, the spreading of, the news through the 
return of the delegates from the three days' session at 
Exeter; second, the payment of "advanced wages"; and 
third, the eagerness to enlist under Stark. The people, 
especially the militia, may have suggested such action and 
consequently may have been expecting some such news; 
this is at least a plausible hypothesis which makes intelli- 
gible the rapid enlistment immediately on the return of the 
representatives like Col. Hutchins of Concord, and Mat- 
thew Patten of Bedford. There were nearly 1,500 men 
like Thomas Mellen, who said: 'T enlisted ... as soon as 
I heard that Stark would accept the command of the state 
troops." The militia knew that Stark and the State of 
New Hampshire meant business, and they gave a business- 
like response. 

The promptness of enlistment is matched and doubt- 
less aided by Stark's characteristic rapidity of movement. 
On the 1 8th of July, Stark was appointed at Exeter. On 
the 19th, he received from the Chairman of the Committee 
of Safety, the following instructions; 

"State of New Hampshire, Saturday, July 19 th , 1777. 

To Brig d Gen 1 Jn° Stark, — You are hereby required to 
repair to Charlestown, N° 4, so as to be there by the 24 th — 
Thursday next, to meet and confer with persons appointed 
by the Convention of the State of Vermont relative to the 
route of the Troops under your Command, their being 
supplied with provisions, and future operations — and when 


the troops are collected at N° 4, you are to take the Com- 
mand of them and march into the State of Vermont, and 
there act in conjunction with the Troops of that State, or 
any other of the States, or of the United States, or sepa- 
rately, as it shall appear Expedient to you for the protec- 
tion of the People or the annoyance of the Enemy, and 
from time to time as occasion shall require, send Intelli- 
gence to the Gen 1 Assembly or Committee of Safety, of 
your operations, and the manoeuvers of the Enemy. 


While his Brigade was enlisting, Stark was crossing 
the State to the appointed rendezvous at Charlestown on 
the Connecticut River. He probably kept his appoint- 
ment there on the 24th of July; on the 25th he was cer- 
tainly at a point only two or three days distant by post 
from Manchester, Vermont, and other letters would indi- 
cate that this point was Charlestown. On the 28th he 
"forwarded 250 men to their relief," that is to the Vermont 
militia at Manchester. On the 30th, he wrote from 
Charlestown: "I sent another detachment of [f] this day." 
For his swiftly gathering force, he had to provide "Kettles 
or utensils to cook our victuals as the Troops has not 
brought any," cannon and their carriages, bullets, and even 
"bullet moulds, as there is but one pair in town." As he 
prepared to cross into Vermont, he thoughtfully asked the 
New Hampshire Committee for "Rum ... as there is 
none of that article in them parts where we are a going." 
By the 2d of August, two weeks after his appointment, "he 
had sent off from No. 4, 700 men to join Colo. Warner at 
Manchester," and intended to "follow them the next day 
( . . . Sunday) with 300 more; and had ordered the 
remainder to follow him as fast as they came into No. 4" 
[Charlestown]. His last recorded acts before leaving the 
state were provisions for the physical and spiritual welfare 
of his troops in letters from Charlestown on the 3d of 
August to his "Chirurgeon," "Doc r Solomon Chase" of 


Cornish, and to the Brigade Chaplain, "Rev. Mr. Hibbard 
at Claremont," a graduate of Dartmouth in the class of 

On the 6th of August, Stark was in the Green Moun- 
tains at Bromley, near Peru, Vermont, sending back word 
to Charlestown "to fix them cannon ... for your defence 
. . . forward, with all convenient speed, all the rum and 
sugar . . . get all the cannon from Walpole." Swiftly as 
Stark and his brigade moved forward, he seems to have 
forgotten nothing necessary for the troops at the front or 
for those left behind to guard the stores. He was a "good 
provider" as well as a good fighter. The rum he secured 
from his friends; the cannon he captured from the enemy. 

On the 7th of August, he had crossed the Green 
Mountains and joined Warner and General Lincoln at 
Manchester near the western border of Vermont. In 
twenty days Stark had more than fulfilled the first part of 
Langdon's prophecy — he had not only raised a brigade, he 
had also equipped his volunteers, and marched them across 
two states. Two days later, the 9th of August, he was at 
Bennington, where within a week he was to realize the 
remainder of Langdon's patriotic vision and "check Bur- 
goyne." It is not surprising that this characteristic swift- 
ness and energy of Stark attracted volunteers and infused 
hope and an entirely new spirit into the troops of all the 

The contrast with Burgoyne's slow progress made 
Stark's rapidity seem the more striking. When Stark was 
appointed at Exeter, Burgoyne was at "Skeensborough 
House," on the present site of Whitehall, New York. By 
the time Stark had crossed New Hampshire and mustered 
his troops on the Connecticut River, Burgoyne had 
marched only twenty-eight miles southward to Fort 
Edward on the Hudson. While Stark was crossing Ver- 
mont, and organizing his brigade at Manchester and Ben- 
nington, Burgoyne and his army were delaying at Fort 
Edward where they remained until the 14th of August. 


It was two weeks before the British army, hampered by 
the untiring efforts of Schuyler and by the difficulties of 
transportation, were able to advance seven miles down the 
Hudson to Fort Miller. 

A clear understanding of the position of the combat- 
ants on the 7th of August is necessary to comprehend the 
later plans and movements. Of the American forces, on 
the 7th of August, Stark was at Manchester, Vermont, 
with Warner and Lincoln; Schuyler, who had been grad- 
ually withdrawing southward before Burgoyne's slow 
advance, had been since the 4th of August at Stillwater on 
the Hudson, "about twenty miles west of Bennington." 
The British forces were situated as follows: Burgoyne was 
at Fort Edward, twenty-five to thirty miles north of 
Schuyler; St. Leger, slowly moving down the Mohawk val- 
ley to join Burgoyne, had been delayed by the siege of 
Fort Stanwix, and on the 7th of August, the day after the 
battle of Oriskany, demanded the surrender of the Fort 
and received a sturdy refusal. Bearing in mind these posi- 
tions of the four commanders on the 7th of August — Stark 
at Manchester, Schuyler at Stillwater, Burgoyne at Fort 
Edward, and St. Leger at Fort Stanwix — we are prepared 
to discuss Schuyler's two different plans of campaign, and 
the strategic value of Stark's independent command. 

Schuyler, until the 4th of August had approved the 
plan of retaining troops at Manchester or Bennington to 
fall upon Burgoyne's rear. On the 15th of July he there- 
fore sent reinforcements to Warner. Two days later, he 
ordered the Massachusetts militia "to march to the relief 
of Colo. Warner and put themselves under his command. 
He is in the vicinity of Bennington." The 19th of July, 
he urged the New Hampshire militia to "hasten your march 
to join" Warner who "has intelligence that a considerable 
body of the enemy will attempt to penetrate to Benning- 
ton." On the 29th of July, Schuyler sent General Benja- 
min Lincoln of Massachusestts "to take command on the 
Grants." In his letter of this date to Warner, Schuyler 


expressed his hopes that "the Body under General Stark 
will be respectable"; and that General Lincoln . . . will 
be able to make a powerful diversion." His letter of the 
16th of July to Warner is worth quoting in full as a clear 
exposition of Schuyler's original plan. 

"Fort Edward, July 16, 1777. 
To Colo Warner 

Sir I am this moment informed by Capt Fitch that the 
New Hampshire Militia are marching to join me. It is 
not my intention, much as I am in want of troops, that 
they should come hither as it would expose the country in 
that quarter to the depredations of the Enemy: I there- 
fore enclose you an order for them to join you if none 
are arrived, you will send express for them. I hope when 
they come you will be able, if not to attack the Enemy, at 
least to advance so near as to bring off the well affected 
and to secure the Malignants. 
I am Sir 

Your most hum: Serv 


Schuyler communicated this plan to Washington on 
the 2 1 st and 22d of July and received the following 
approval of his measures: 

"You intimate the propriety of having a body of men 
stationed somewhere about the Grants. The expediency 
of such a measure appears to me evident; for it would cer- 
tainly make General Burgoyne very circumspect in his 
advances if it did not wholly prevent them. It would keep 
him in continual anxiety for his rear . . . and would serve 
many other valuable purposes." 

Washington continued to urge the retention of troops 
on the Vermont border, even after Schuyler abandoned the 
plan. On the 16th of August, the very day when Stark's 
victory at Bennington demonstrated the wisdom of the 
advice of the Commander-in-Chief, Washington wrote to 
Governor Clinton of New York: 


"From some expressions in a letter, which I have 
seen, written by General Lincoln to General Schuyler, I 
am led to infer, it is in contemplation to unite all the 
militia and continental troops in one body, and make an 
opposition wholly in front. If this is really the intention, 
I should think it a very ineligible plan. An enemy can 
always act with more vigor and effect, when they have 
nothing to apprehend for their flanks and rear, than when 
they have. ... If a respectable body of men were to be 
stationed on the Grants, it would undoubtedly have the 
effects intimated above, would render it not a little difficult 
for General Burgoyne to keep the necessary communica- 
tion open; and they would frequently afford opportunities 
of intercepting his convoys. . . . These reasons make it 
clearly my opinion, that a sufficient body of militia should 
always be reserved in a situation proper to answer these 
purposes. If there should be more collected, than is 
requisite for this use, the surplusage may with propriety 
be added to the main body of the army. I am not, how- 
ever, so fully acquainted with every cicumstance, that 
ought to be taken into consideration, as to pretend to do 
anything more than to advise in the matter. Let those on 
the spot determine and act as appears to them most 

Now it was exactly in accord with this sound and 
repeated advice of Washington, and in pursuance of the 
original plan of Schuyler himself, that Stark and the Ver- 
mont Council of Safety, "those on the spot," proposed to 
act. Schuyler, on the other hand, abandoned this plan of 
a flank attack, when he found the enemy pressing closer 
upon the main body of his own army. He thereupon 
ordered all the militia on the Vermont frontier to join him 
at Stillwater on the Hudson. Consequently, when Stark 
arrived at Manchester, Vermont, on the 7th of August, he 
found that his own brigade had, without his knowledge, 
been ordered to Stillwater and had begun their preparation 
for the march. 


The first evidence of Schuyler's change of plan is on 
the 3d of August, the day when St. Leger appeared before 
Fort Stanwix or Schuyler. By that time, Schuyler was 
aware in general of this approach of hostile troops from 
the west down the Mohawk valley on his left flank. He 
also keenly realized that Burgoyne was "making every 
exertion to move down" the Hudson to attack the Amer- 
ican center. Schuyler therefore on the 3d of August, 
"the generals having unanimously advised" him, fell back 
from Saratoga to Stillwater and on the next day called in 
the militia stationed in Vermont, on his right flank. On 
this 4th of August he wrote to Lincoln, who was then at 

"In all probability he [Burgoyne] has left nothing at 
Skenesborough, except what is so covered that it is not 
probable that your moving that way without artillery would 
give him any Alarm. I must desire you to march your 
whole Force, except Warner's Regiment and join me with 
all possible Dispatch." 

Five days later, on the 9th of August, Schuyler asked 
the Vermont militia also to join him, as Burgoyne's "whole 
force is pointed this way" and as "there is no great prob- 
ability that force will be sent your way until he shall have 
taken possession of this City" [Albany]. Schuyler writing 
from Albany was not well informed; he did not know that 
on the very day he wrote this, Baum received his instruc- 
tions from Burgoyne and started on his march toward Ben- 
nington. Schuyler did not realize the effect of his own 
wise policy of devastation and obstruction of the country 
through which the British army had to pass. He was 
deceived by Burgoyne's pretence of a movement down the 
Hudson. He failed to put himself in Burgoyne's place 
and see that the British, retarded by the obstacles in their 
front and by the difficulty of getting stores from their 
rear, would naturally attempt by a flank movement to cap- 
ture the horses, cattle, and provisions at Bennington, 
twenty-five miles away. It was "those on the spot," Stark 

194 stark's command at Bennington 

and the Vermont Council of Safety, who did realize both 
the likelihood of such an expedition and the possibilities 
of a counter-movement by the American militia stationed 
at Bennington. 

The critical period of the campaign preceding the bat- 
tle of Bennington is the week from the 7th to the 13th of 
August. In this week was decided the question whether 
the militia should all march to Stillwater, according to 
Schuyler's new plan; or whether they should remain on 
the Vermont border to execute the flank attack originally 
planned by Schuyler and advocated by Washington, Stark, 
and the Vermont Council. Within this week Stark arrived 
at Manchester, assumed command of his brigade and 
marched to Bennington; with the aid of the Vermont 
Committee of Safety, he convinced Schuyler and Lincoln 
that the militia should not march directly to Stillwater, but 
should rather prepare for the attack on the enemy's flank; 
therefore on the 13th of August, Stark was "on the spot" 
and ready to begin this attack when Baum appeared 
eighteen miles from Bennington. This question and its 
settlement are manifestly of supreme importance. Yet 
with all its importance the question of the plans and move- 
ments of all three generals has never been set forth with 
completeness in any one of the many accounts of the bat- 
tle or the campaign. This can now be done in the light of 
documents recently printed or discovered. 

By the 12th of August Schuyler appears reconverted 
to his original plan of attacking the enemy's flank 
and rear. The following explanation of the change is 
given in a sketch of Stark published the year of his death, 
in Farmer and Moore's Collections. This sketch of Stark 
was based on an account by Stark's son-in-law in 
N. H. Patriot, May 15, 1810, and on particulars given by 
Stark's oldest son Caleb, who had been an adjutant in the 
Northern army, and who after the battle had carried to his 
father a message from General Gates. 


"General Schuyler opened a correspondence with 
Stark, and endeavored to prevail on him to come to the 
Sprouts. The latter gave him a detail of his intended 
operations, viz., to fall upon the rear of Burgoyne, to 
harrass and cut off his supplies. General Schuyler 
approved the plan and offered to furnish him with five or 
six hundred men more to carry it into execution." 

The correspondence substantiates this statement; and 
indicates that Lincoln aided in bringing Stark and Schuyler 
into agreement on the basis of the original plan of a flank 
movement. From the 7th to the 10th of August, Lincoln 
was with Stark at Manchester and Bennington and corre- 
sponding with Schuyler. On the 12th, Lincoln was with 
Schuyler at Stillwater and wrote to Washington: "I am to 
return with the militia from the Massachusetts, New 
Hampshire, and the Grants, to the Northward, with a 
design to fall into the rear of Burgoyne." On- the 14th, 
Lincoln wrote Stark from Half Moon, a few miles below 
Stillwater: "Your favor of yesterday's date, per express, I 
received on the road to this place. As the troops were not 
on the march, I am glad you detained them in Bennington. 
Our plan is adopted. I will bring with me camp kettles, 
Axes, ammunition and flints . . . You will please ts meet 
us, as proposed, on the morning of the 18th. If the 
enemy shall have possession of that place, and in your 
opinion it becomes improper for us to rendezvous there, 
you will be so good as to appoint another, and advise me of 
the place. ..." 

Finally, the statements of the Patriot article of 18 10, 
and of Farmer and Moore's Sketch of 1822 are fully con- 
firmed by the Trumbull Papers, published in 1902, and by 
an unprinted letter discovered in the present investigation. 
Schuyler transmitted to Lincoln on the 15th of August a 
letter received from Stark and added this endorsement: 
"You will see his determination and regulate yourself 
accordingly." "Gen. Lincoln is moved this day, with 
about 5 or 600 from our little army to fall in and co-oper- 


ate with Starks," wrote Jonathan Trumbull, Jr., from 
Albany, on the 17th of August. 

This plan of attacking Burgoyne's rear and flank from 
Vermont must have been discussed by Stark and Lincoln 
when they were together between the 7th and 10th of 
August. Schuyler's letters show that he reverted to this 
original plan between the 9th and 12th of August. Now 
this is just the time when Lincoln and Stark at Benning- 
ton were corresponding with Schuyler, and when Lincoln 
went in person from Stark to Schuyler. On the 12th of 
August, then, while Schuyler and Lincoln were together at 
Stillwater, Schuyler wrote to Warner a letter marked 

"A movement is intended from here with part of the 
Army to fall in the enemy's rear. You will therefore 
march your regiment and such of the militia and ranging 
Companies as you can speedily collect to the Northern 
part of the Cambridge District in this state where the 
troops from hence will be there to join you, so as to be 
there on the J 8th at farthest." 

This gives the details of the plan which, as we have 
seen above, Lincoln communicated to Washington on the 
same day and from the same place. Further details of the 
same plan are given in Schuyler's letter of the following 
day, the 13th of August, to Lincoln: 

"You will please to take command of the Troops that 
are now on the way from Bennington and march them to 
the East Side of Hudson's River to the Northern parts of 
Cambridge, where Col. Warner has orders to join you. 
Should you on your arrival at that place find it practicable, 
by coup de main, to make an Impression on any post the 
Enemy may occupy, you will, if there is a prospect of suc- 
cess, make the attempt." 

To this same plan of a combined flank attack, Lincoln 
evidently referred in his letter of the 14th of August, 
quoted above, in which he wrote Stark: 

stark's command at bennington 197 

"Our plan is adopted . . . meet us as proposed. . . . 
If the enemy shall have possession of that place . . . 
appoint another." 

Finally, the agreement of the three generals on the 
plan is indicated in Schuyler's letter on the day of the 
battle of Bennington, the 16th day of August, to the 
Massachusetts council: 

"Lincoln . . . was at ten this Morning at Half Moon 
. . . and is by my orders, — going to join General Stark 
and try to make a diversion and draw off the Attention of 
the enemy by marching to the Northern parts of Cam- 
bridge, Vt. [New York] . . . Happily I have assurances 
from General Stark that he will not hesitate to do what 
is required." 

Unfortunately Schuyler and Lincoln agreed upon this 
flank attack too late to aid Stark in its execution. On the 
16th of August they were still twenty miles away, on the 
banks of the Hudson, Schuyler planning "to make a 
Diversion and draw off the Attention of the enemy," and 
Lincoln just starting with 500 or 600 men — on the very 
day when Stark won the battle of Bennington, before rein- 
forcements from the Continental army on the Hudson 
could reach him." 

On the 9th of August, Stark marched to Bennington 
instead of proceeding directly to Stillwater. On the same 
day Burgoyne played into his hands by detaching Baum on 
the expedition toward Bennington to "try the affection of 
the Country; to disconcert the Councils of the Enemy . . . 
and obtain large supplies of Cattle, Horses & Carriages." 
On the day he received these instructions from Burgoyne, 
Baum marched from Fort Edward southward to 
Fort Miller. Two days later he set out from Fort Miller to 
Saratoga. The 12th, he moved from Saratoga to Batten- 
kill, on the east side of the Hudson, and here halted to 
receive fresh instructions from Burgoyne. On the 13th, 
Baum slowly marched sixteen miles in twelve hours from 
Battenkill to Cambridge, which was on the direct road to 


Bennington and only eighteen miles distant from it. On 
this day, "thirty provincials and fifty savages" of Baum's 
force came into collision with two small bodies of Amer- 
icans and so gave warning of the nearness of the British. 
''Long before sunrise on the 14th," Baum's "little corps 
was under arms" with the "intention to march at once 
upon Bennington"; but he was delayed "at the farm . . . 
of Sankoik" on "the northern branch of the Hosac," 
where the retreating Americans had broken down the 
bridge. He therefore "bivouacked at the farm of Walam- 
scott, about four miles from Sankoick, and three from Ben- 
nington." On the 15th, Baum finding his outposts again 
attacked, sent back for reinforcemeuts, and fortified a posi- 
tion on a height to the left of "the farm of Walamscott." 
A few sentences from the stirring "Account of the Battle 
of Bennington," by Glich, give a clear-cut picture of the 
engagement as viewed by the Germans from their intrench- 

"The morning of the sixteenth rose beautifully serene. 
. . . Colonel Baume . . . some how or other persuaded to 
believe, that the armed bands, of whose approach he was 
warned, were loyalists . . . found himself attacked in front 
and flanked by thrice his number . . . whilst the very 
persons in whom he had trusted, and to whom he had given 
arms, lost no time in turuing them against him. . . . When 
the heads of the columns began to show themselves in rear 
of our right and left . . . the Indians . . . lost all confi- 
dence and fled . . . leaving us more than ever exposed. 
. . . An accident . . . exposed us, almost defenceless, to 
our fate. The solitary tumbril, which contained the whole 
of our spare ammunition, became ignited, and blew up. 
For a few seconds the scene which ensued defies all power 
of language to describe. The bayonet, the butt of the 
rifle, the sabre, the pike, were in full play, and men fell as 
they rarely fall in modern warfare, under the direct blows 
of their enemies. . . . Col. Baume, shot through the body 
by a rifle ball, fell mortally wounded, and all order and 


discipline being lost, flight or submission was alone 
thought of." 

From the letters of Baum and the picturesque account 
of Glich, we must turn, for the American story, to the 
terse dispatch of Stark to the New Hampshire authorities, 
written two days after the battle: 

"The 13 th I was inform'd that a party of Indians were 
at Cambridge ... I detached Col° Gregg with 200 men 
under his command to stop their march. In the evening I 
had information by express that there was a large body of 
the enemy on their way with their field pieces. . . . The 14 th 
I marched with my Brigade & a few of this States' Militia, 
to oppose them and to cover Gregg's retreat. . . . About 
four miles from the Town [Bennington] I accordingly met 
him on his return, and the Enemy in close pursuit of him, 
within half a mile of his rear. ... I drew up my little 
army on an eminence in open view of their encampments, 
but could not bring them to an engagement. I marched 
back about a mile, and there encamp'd. . . . The 15 th it 
rain'd all day; I sent out parties to harrass them. 

"The 16th I was join'd by this States' Militia and those 
of Berkshire County; I divided my army into three Divis- 
ions, and sent Col. Nichols with 250 men on their rear of 
their left wing; Col°. Hendrick in the Rear of their right, 
with 300 men, order'd when join'd to attack the same. 

"In the mean time I sent 300 men to oppose the Enemy's 
front, to draw their attention that way; Soon after I 
detach'd the Colonels Hubbart & Stickney on their right, 
wing with 200 men to attack that part, all which plans had 
their desired effect. Col° Nichols sent me word that he 
stood in need of a reinforcement, which I readily granted, 
consisting of 100 men, at which time he commenced the 
attack precisely at 3 o'clock in the afternoon, which was 
followed by all the rest. I pushed forward the remainder 
with all speed; our people behaved with the greatest spirit 
& bravery imaginable: Had they been Alexanders or 
Charleses of Sweden, they could not have behaved better. 


The action lasted two hours. ... I rec d intelligence that 
there was a large reinforcement within two miles of us, on 
their march, which occasion'd us to renew our attack. But 
luckily for us Col Warner's Regiment came up, which put 
a stop to their career. . . . We used their own cannon 
against them. ... At Sunset we obliged them to beat a 
second retreat. . . . 

"I have i Lieut. Col° since dead, i major, 7 Captains, 
14 Lieut 5 4 Ensigns, 2 Cornets, 1 Judge advocate, 1 Bar- 
ron, 2 Canadian officers, 6 sergeants, 1 Aid-de-camp & 
seven hundred prisoners; — I almost forgot 1 Hessian 

In his tactics on the battle field, Stark showed the 
same qualities he had displayed in the general strategy of 
the campaign — quick insight and decision, followed by 
deliberate and stubborn action. At Bennington, just as at 
Bunker Hill and Trenton, Stark was quick to see the 
importance of flank movements, and cool in carrying them 
out. He was "as active in attack as he had then been 
obstinate in defense." Because he had insisted on the 
plan of a flank movement in the campaign preceding the 
battle, Stark had a force on the spot ready to oppose Baum 
and "check Burgoyne." 

The battle of Bennington was won by the militia of 
New Hampshire, Vermont and Massachusetts, under the 
command of Stark. As we have already seen, Lincoln 
was at Half Moon on the Hudson the day of the battle, 
and was not in time, therefore, to return and co-operate 
with Stark and Warner. Stark and his troops would like- 
wise have been unable to return to Bennington, had he 
allowed them on the 7th of August to march to Stillwater 
as they had been ordered to do before he arrived at Man- 
chester and "chose to command himself." That there was 
any respectable force at Bennington capable of offering 
resistance to Baum is due to the resolute good sense of 
Stark and of the Vermont Council of Safety, and to the 
terms of the independent command given Stark by the State 


of New Hampshire. Had Schuyler's orders of the 4th and 
9th of August to Lincoln and the Vermont Council been 
carried out, the militia would have been on the Hudson 
more than twenty miles away, when Baum approached 
Bennington. The facts, then, as told by the participants 
fully substantiate the statement of Josiah Bartlett quoted 
at the beginning of this paper: 

"Had Gen 1 Starks gone to Stillwater agreable to 
orders; there would have been none to oppose Col. Baum 
in carrying Gen 1 Burgoyne's orders into Execution." 

It is evident that Stark's fellow citizens and fellow 
soldiers of New Hampshire and Vermont understood the 
situation and had some substantial reasons for feeling that 
the independent command was justified both by the con- 
ditions which preceded it and by the results which followed. 

The unfavorable judgment of General Lincoln and of 
the Continental Congress remains to be discussed. The 
usual statement is that Stark, on his arrival at Manchester, 
was ordered by Schuyler to march to Stillwatet and refused 
to do so. Two facts which seem to have escaped notice 
show this statement to be a somewhat misleading half- 
truth. In the first place, Schuyler's orders were not to 
Stark; they were transmitted directly by Lincoln to Stark's 
brigade of milita without Stark's knowledge. Second 
Stark eventually acted in harmony with Schuyler; he 
started to march to the appointed rendezvous at Cambridge 
on the 13th when he received word that the enemy were 
already there; and on the 16th of September he did march 
to Stillwater, but he marched via Bennington, and after 
carrying out the flank attack desired by both Schuyler and 

Of the relations betweed Lincoln and Stark at Man- 
chester, Vermont, on the 7th of August, we have three 
accounts: one by Lincoln in a letter to Schuyler trans- 
mitted by the latter to Congress; one in a letter by Captain 
Peter Clark of Stark's brigade; and a newspaper account, 
which appeared in Stark's lifetime, "collected from the 

202 stark's command at bennington 

papers and conversations of the General by his son-in-law, 
B. F. Stickney, Esq." Stark's own account, contained in a 
letter written the 7th of August and acknowledged on the 
1 2th by the New Hampshire Committee of Safety, cannot 
now be found. The nearest approach to Stark's story 
is therefore the version which appears to have been 
given by Stark to his family and published by his son-in- 
law in the Concord Patriot, May 15, 18 10, twelve years 
before the general's death. This is also quoted verbatim in 
the "Biographical Sketch" published in the year of Stark's 
death in "Farmer and Moore's Collections," and stated by 
them to be based on particulars given by Stark's oldest 
son Caleb and his son-in-law, Stickney. This contem- 
porary family account is as follows: 

"He [Stark] found the advantage of his independent 
command immediately upon his arrival at Manchester, for 
the packs of his men were paraded as for a march. He 
enquired for the cause, and was informed Gen. Lincoln had 
been there and had ordered them off to the Sprouts, at the 
mouth of Mohawk river. He sought for, and found Lin- 
coln, and demanded of him his authority for undertaking 
the command of his men. Lincoln said it was by order of 
General Schuyler. Stark desired him to tell Gen. Schuyler 
that he considered himself adequate to the command of 
his own men, and gave him copies of his commission and 

This family version is corroborated by the testimony of 
one of Stark's captains, Peter Clark, of Lyndeboro, New 
Hampshire, who wrote his wife as follows: 

"Manchester [Vt.], August 6, 1777. 

. . . We have made us tents with boards but this 
moment we have had orders to march for Bennington and 
leave them, and from thence we are to march for Albany 
to join the Continental Army, and try to stop Burgoyne in 
his career. . . . 


August 7, 1777. 

A few minutes after I finished my letter there was a 
considerable turn in affairs by reason of Gen. 1 Stark arriv- 
ing in town. The orders we had for marching was given 
by General Lincoln — what passed between Lincoln and 
Stark is not known but by what we can gather together, 
Stark chooses to command himself. I expect we shall 
march for Bennington next Sabbath and where we shall go 
to from there I cannot tell." 

It was entirely natural for Stark to "choose to com- 
mand himself" the brigade which he had raised, and which 
he had been commissioned to command. It was also 
inevitable that the sturdy and quick tempered old Indian 
fighter should have felt affronted, when he found that his 
volunteer militia had been ordered off without his knowl- 
edge, and moreover that the order had been given by one 
of the men who had been made a major-general when 
Stark was passed over, the previous February, by Con- 
gress. Consequently, a strong personal feeling inevitably 
cropped out in the conversation between Lincoln and 
Stark; and this personal element was naturally emphasized 
in the following account sent by Lincoln to Schuyler. 

"Bennington, Aug. st 8. th 1777. 

Dear General 

Yesterday Gen. 1 Stark from New Hampshire came 
into camp at Manchester — by his Instructions from that 
State It is at his option to Act in Conjunction with the 
Continental Armey or not. He seems to be exceedingly 
soured and thinks he hath been neglected and hath 
not had Justice done him by Congress — he is determined 
not to join the Continental Armey untill the Congress 
give him his Rank therein — his Claim is to command all 
the Officers he Commanded last Year as also all those who 
joined the Armey after him. Whether he will march his 
Troops to Stillwater or not I am quite at a loss to know — 


but It he doth it is a fixed point with him to act there as a 
Seperate Chor and take no orders from any officer in the 
Northern Department saving your Honour for he saith 
they all were Either Commanded by him the last year 
or joined the Armey after him Its very unhappy that 
this matter by him is carried to so great a length espe- 
cially at at (sic) time when Every exertion for our Common 
Safety is so absolutely Necessary I have Good Reason to 
believe if the State of New Hampshire were Informed of 
the Matter they would give New and Very different In- 
structions to Gen. 1 Starkes. The Troops from the Massa- 
chusetts are Collecting here I don't know what Number 
may be Expected. I suppose the Rear will be up tomorrow 
night at farthest I am Dear Sir with Regard and Esteam 
your most Obed. 1 Humble Servt B. Lincoln." 

To Lincoln's letter Schuyler made immediate and 
tactful reply. "You will please to assure General Stark 
that I have acquainted Congress of his situation, and that 
I trust and entreat he will, on the present and alarming 
crisis, waive his right, as the greater the sacrifice he makes 
to his feelings, the greater will be the honor due to him." 
Lincoln forwarded this letter to Stark with the generous 
endorsement: "I can only subjoin my entreaties to his that 
you will not now, when every exertion for the common 
safety is necessary, suffer any consideration to prevent 
your affording him all the succour in your power." 

These three letters of Lincoln and Schuyler consti- 
tute the evidence left by them as to any lack of harmony 
with Stark. There is no reference to it by Schuyler in his 
defence before the court martial; none by Stark after the 
missing letter of the 7th of August; and none by Wash- 
ington in his correspondence. Stark and Schuyler knew 
and valued each other, and Lincoln acted honorably and 

We have already seen that Schuyler was reconverted 
to the plan of a flank attack and planned to send Lincoln 


to aid Stark in carrying it out. Stark also on his part 
shared the readiness to co-operate with Lincoln and Schuy- 
ler in a flank movement toward the Hudson. He began his 
march before the battle of Bennington and completed it after 
winning the victory. On the 8th of August, Stark advanced 
half way to Stillwater, marching some twenty miles south- 
west from Manchester, Vermont, to Bennington. On the 
13th, Stark was preparing to continue his march, appar- 
ently to Cambridge in pursuance of the plan agreed upon 
with Lincoln, when news came of the approach of Baum. 
On the 13th, says Captain Peter Clark, "the whole Brigade 
was paraded to march to Still Water and while under arms 
the General, received intelligence that there was a large 
body of the Enemy coming to destroy the stores at Ben- 
nington, whereupon the Brigade was dismissed." On 
receipt of Stark's letter of the same day, Lincoln replied: 
"As the troops were not on the march, I am glad you 
detained them in Bennington. ... If the enemy have 
possession of that place . . . [i. e. Cambridge] appoint 
another." The credit for this wise delay at Bennington 
Stark generously gave to the Vermont Council of Safety, 
with whom he evidently acted in fullest harmony. Two 
days after the battle, he wrote to the Hartford Courant as 

"I received orders to march to Manchester and act in 
conjunction with Col. Warner. After my arrival at that 
place I received orders from Major General Lincoln pur- 
suant to orders from General Schuyler, to march my whole 
brigade to Stillwater, and join the main army then under 
his command. At the same time requested the whole of 
the militia (by Gen. Schuyler's order) of the State of Ver- 
mont to join him and march to Stillwater as aforesaid. In 
obedience thereto I marched with my brigade to Benning- 
ton on my way to join him, leaving that part of the coun- 
try almost naked to the ravage of the enemy. The Hon- 
orable the Council then sitting at Bennington were much 
against my marching with my Brigade, as it was raised on 


their request, they apprehending great danger of the 
enemy's approaching to that place, which afterwards we 
found truly to be the case. They happily agreed to post- 
pone giving orders to the militia to march." 

Congress was not so well informed of the situation as 
were Schuyler and Lincoln and the Vermont Council. 
The action of Congress was therefore neither particularly 
intelligent nor timely. The letter of the 8th of August 
from Lincoln to Schuyler describing his meeting with 
Stark, already quoted above, was forwarded by Schuyler 
to Congress. Upon that body it made naturally an 
impression that was both unfavorable and false. The 
impression was unfavorable, since the letter so strongly 
emphasized the personal grievances of Stark and his criti- 
cism of Congress. The impression was false, because, 
while not stating definitely the reasons for the actions of 
of New Hampshire, the letter would give the casual or 
prejudiced reader the false idea that New Hampshire gave 
Stark the independent command because he felt he "hath 
not had justice done him by Congress." In justice to 
Lincoln it should be remembered that he wrote under per- 
sonally irritating circumstances a personal letter intended 
for Schuyler and not for Congress. A more careful perusal 
of Lincoln's letter shows that it gives merely Stark's per- 
sonal attitude; it was not intended to give and it did not 
give any indication of the reasons which led New Hamp- 
shire to give Stark his independent command. The cause 
of New Hampshire's action was not a private grievance, 
but a public necessity. To understand it we must turn 
from the personal grievance described by Lincoln to the 
facts testified to by Josiah Bartlett and now printed for 
the first time. Unfortunately it was upon Lincoln's letter 
that contemporary judgment of New Hampshire's action 
was based, and later writers have started from this false 
basis. The impression which that letter made upon a New 
Hampshire delegate in Congress is shown in the following 
shrewd comments appended by George Frost to a copy of 


Lincoln's letter which he forwarded to the New Hamp- 
shire authorties. 

"The foregoing letter was Sent by Gen. 1 Lincoln to 
Gen. 1 Schoyler and by P. Schoyler to Congress which is 
Very alarming to Congress that Gen. 1 Starkes should take 
Occasion to Resent any Supposed Affrunt by Congress to 
him when his Country lays at Stake, at the same time 
would take notis that we shall loos the benifet of our troops 
being put in the Continentall pay Except the Measures are 
alterd, and woud also observe he don't refuse to put him- 
selfe under Gen. 1 Schoyler who is Recarled from that com- 
mand and Congress has given the Command of the Armey 
to Gen. 1 Gates, w ch I suppose Gel. Starkes knew not of at 
that time, as to the promotion of Officers in the Armey 
the Congress went on a new plan agreaed on in Baltimore 
(at the Raising the as it Called Standing Armey) that 
Every State Should in Some measure have their propor- 
tion of Gen. 1 Officers according to the Troops they Raised 
by which Reason som officers was superseded or as they 
call affronted." 

Under the misleading impression derived from Lin- 
coln's letter to Schuyler, Congress on the 19th of August, 
three days after Stark's indendent instructions had enabled 
him to render effective aid "to the common cause," passed 
the following vote of censure, in complete ignorance of the 
victory at Bennington: 

"Resolved, That a copy of general Lincoln's letter be 
forthwith transmitted to the council of New-Hampshire, 
and that they be informed, that the instructions which gen- 
eral Stark says he has received from them are destructive 
of military subordination and highly prejudicial to the com- 
mon cause at this crisis; and therefore that they be desired 
to instruct general Stark to conform himself to the same 
rules which other general officers of the militia are subject 
to whenever they are called out at the expence of the 
United States." 


In the debate on this resolution, the New Hampshire 
delegates defended her action, on the basis of reasons con- 
tained in a letter from Josiah Bartlett. "The militia of 
that State had lost all confidence in the General Officers 
who had the command at Tyconderoga . . . they would not 
turn out nor be commanded by such officers; the preserva- 
tion of the lives of the inhabitants on our frontiers . . . 
made such orders at that critical time absolutely necessary; 
we were not about to justify General Stark for making a 
demand of rank in the army at that critical time, but we 
well knew he had a great deal to say for himself on that 
head, and had . . . distinguished himself, while others 
were advanced over his head. . . . We informed Congress 
that we had not the least doubt but the first battle they 
heard of from the North would be fought by Stark and 
the troops commanded by him. . . . Judge of our feelings, 
when the very next day we had a confirmation of what we 
had asserted by an express from General Schuyler giving 
an Account of the victory obtained by General Stark and 
the troops under his command. We believe this circum- 
stance only will make those easy who have been trying to 
raise a dust in Congress." 

The vote of censure by Congress was certainly ill- 
timed; probably it would have never been proposed had 
Congress waited one day longer. On the 4th of October, 
Congress was better informed and passed a vote that was 
more generous and more just. 

"Resolved, That the thanks of Congress be presented 
to general Stark of the New-Hampshire militia, and the 
officers and troops under his command, for their brave and 
successful attack upon, and signal victory over, the enemy 
in their lines at Bennington; and that brigadier Stark be 
appointed a brigadier general in the army of the United 

The New Hampshire instructions to Stark were doubt- 
less in theory "destructive of military subordination"; but 
"military subordination" had to yield to the more imper- 


ative necessity of a military force capable of "the preser- 
vation of the lives of the inhabitants on our frontiers." 
At that memorable three days' session in July, 1777, the 
members of the New Hampshire General Court and of the 
Committee of Safety were confronted, not with a ques- 
tion of rank, but with the far more vital one of self-preser- 
vation. They knew that a brigade could not be raised in 
face of the universal loss of confidence in the generals of 
the Northern Department, and of the fear that any militia 
would be called to the "southward," away from the threat- 
ened frontier. They had been summoned in extra session 
not in response to calls for continental troops but to 
answer the cry of distress from their Vermont neighbors. 
They knew that men would volunteer promptly to serve 
under Stark and that he was admirably fitted by nature and 
experience to manage such a volunteer militia unhampered 
by restrictions. They therefore left it to his discretion 
whether he should join with continental troops or not. 

The peculiar instructions giving Stark an independent 
command seem admirably adapted to meet the peculiar 
exigencies of the situation. That they were so adapted is 
proven by the results which followed. Stark's independent 
command enabled him, first, to recruit a brigade of 1,492 
officers and men in six days, and to move forward at once, 
knowing his volunteers would follow without hesitation; 
second, to insist on a flank attack, based on sound 
strategy; third, to reconvert Schuyler to this sound 
strategy; fourth, to co-operate with militia from Vermont 
and Massachusetts in retaining at Bennington a force suffi- 
cient to check Baum and win the battle of Bennington; 
and finally to restore confidence and then to march with 
victorious troops to Stillwater and Saratoga. 

Without the independent command, the presence of 
Stark and his brigade at Bennington was an impossibility. 
Without Stark and his brigade, the victory at Bennington 
was impossible. Without Bennington, who can say what 
a difference there might have been at Saratoga? It is 

:210 stark's command at bennington 

unnecessary to enlarge upon the importance of the Battle 
of Bennington; it has been recognized from that day to 
this by both American and British contestants and his- 
torians. It is enough to refer to Washington's estimate of 
what he called "the great stroke struck by Gen. Stark near 
Bennington''; and to the judgment of the latest and most 
epigrammatic of the English historians of the Revolution: 
"Bennington . . . proved to be the turning point of the 
Saratoga campaign which was the turning point of the 
war." To one who examines carefully the records of that 
day or the judgments of this, Stark's independent com- 
mand appears a turning point not only in a decisive battle, 
but also in a decisive campaign, and in an epoch-making 
movement. To the sober second thought of his day or 
of ours, Stark's independent command seems warranted by 
its deep-seated causes and justified by its far-reaching 

We have followed the story of Stark's campaign as 
told by participants and contemporaries. It is a tale of 
swift preparation, strategic delay, and intrepid attack. 

Stark "chose to command himself" the army which he 
had raised himself; but he felt he acted in accord with 
Schuyler, as well as in fulfillment of the terms of his inde- 
pendent command. The responsibility for granting that 
command must be shared by the public sentiment which 
demanded it, the General Court which voted it, and the 
general who accepted it. The credit for the sound judgment 
which led to the wise delay at Bennington must be given 
to Stark and the Vermont Council of Safety. The final 
accord in plans is due to the wise and eventually harmoni- 
ous action of Schuyler of New York, and Lincoln of 
Massachusetts, as well as of Stark of New Hampshire and 
Warner of Vermont. Schuyler and Stark supplemented 
each other admirably both in personal characteristics and in 
manner of conducting a campaign; Lincoln helped to pre- 
vent a rupture between them; the Berkshire militia and 
Parson Allen were just in time for the fighting on which 


they insisted; Warner and the Vermont men and supplies 
and especially the timely reinforcements against Breyman 
were essential to both the campaign and the final engage- 
ment. The final result was so creditable that there was 
credit enough for all concerned. The plans and prepar- 
ations of Schuyler and the Vermont Council were essen- 
tial to Stark's opportunity; Stark's power to take advantage 
of that opportunity was due to his independent command. 

Stark's independent command was in historic harmony 
with the unfortunate but inevitable conditions which he 
had to meet; with the task he had to perform; and with 
the characteristics of the man and his contemporaries. 
Personal independence and self-assertiveness were the dis- 
tinguishing characteristics of the frontiersman and Indian 
fighter, and of his troops whom he so aptly described as 
"undisciplined freemen . . . men that had not learned the 
art of submission, nor had they been trained to the art of 
war." These were also the distinctive characteristics of 
the frontier life of colonial New Hampshire and Vermont, 
and of the period of the Revolution. The conditions 
which necessitated the independent command are much to 
be regretted; but so also are the conditions which necessi- 
tated the Revolution. 

The Bennington campaign brings out sharply the 
strength and weakness of the Revolutionary era, when the 
newly born American nation was passionately devoted to 
the idea of liberty, but had not yet learned to understand 
and love the idea of union. It was in the next generation 
that a son of one of Stark's captains knit the two ideas 
together and kindled men's imaginations with the concep- 
tion of "liberty and union." 

In its illustration of the temper of the Revolution lies 
perhaps the chief value of this story, told by the men of 
that day, of their month of swift and triumphant compaign, 
from the 18th of July at Exeter when Speaker John Lang- 
don gave his pledge and prophecy, to the 16th of August 
when General John Stark fulfilled the prophecy and 
"checked Burgoyne." 

Ctemmtecence of General ^tads 

An extract from the diary of Elder James Randall, written in 
August, 1807. 


UGUST seventh, I arrived at Derryfield, N. H., and 
dined with General Stark, the Revolutionary 
patriot, whose name as a hero will ever be dear to 
Americans. We had much conversation on the subject of 

The interview was very interesting to me. I availed 
myself of the privilege of opening my mind freely, and 
labored much to show the general my views of the way of 
salvation, and of the necessity of regeneration. The gen- 
eral, being affected with the remarks, exclaimed, "You are 
not what formalists and bigots call a Christian!" "And," 
continued he, "If it were not for four things, which those 
called Christians hold, namely, anarchy, avarice, superstition, 
and tradition I should be a Christian." "Why, sir," I 
replied, "I hate all those things, and yet I am a Christian." 
The general, in a flood of tears, exclaimed, "God bless you! 
God bless you! God bless you!" and said, "I am an old man 
of eighty years, and shall stay here but a little while, but 
my wife is younger than I, and will probably outlive me,* 
and I shall charge her and my son ever to receive you and 
treat you respectfully." 

I thanked him, and gave him the parting hand, but not 
without shedding some tears. 

*Mrs. Stark died in 181 5. 


General 3|oJm <£tartt 

By Robert R. Law 

This article, as well as "The Battle of Bennington" and "Stark's 
Independent Command at Bennington," was prepared for and published 
by The New York State Historical Society. It was written in 1904. — 

/^^HE colonists fought the battle of Bennington 
' ^ I j according to the plans and under the immediate 
^^^ direction of Gen. John Stark. To him history 
has rightfully given the credit for the success which 
crowned their efforts, that memorable 16th of August, one 
hundred and twenty-seven years ago. His name and that 
of Bennington are united in the minds of all students of 
history, and to understand the success of the Americans 
in that famous engagement, one must know John Stark. 

What was the character, — the mental and moral qual- 
ities — of this pioneer, patriot and partisan leader? 

To understand that character, rugged, strong and nat- 
ural as his own New Hampshire mountains, it is necessary 
to examine his heredity, environment and training, and 
those manifestations of his beliefs, and of his likes and 
dislikes, which were evidenced by his acts and words in 
the various crises of his life. 

It is not my purpose in this paper to give a connected 
detailed and exhaustive account of General Stark, but 
rather, by selected characteristic incidents and utterances, 
make you acquainted with his personality. 

The principle which dominated his life was a sturdy 
and unbending independence, happily tempered by strong 
common sense and a devotion to duty. 

When Congress in the Spring of 1777 failed to give 
Stark the recognition he believed his services merited, 



that spirit of independence led him to resign his commis- 
sion and return to his home, declaring that an officer who 
would not maintain his rank and assert his own rights, 
could not be trusted to vindicate those of his country. 
Yet, at the same time, his devotion to the cause of free- 
dom impelled him to fit out and send to the front all the 
members of his family who were old enough to join the 

This trait of his character, independence, was again 
manifested, when having accepted the command of the 
militia, in the summer of 1777, on condition that he should 
be accountable only to the authorities of New Hampshire, 
he refused to obey the order of General Lincoln and join 
Schuyler west of the Hudson. The result at Bennington 
justified his act of insubordination, and proved both his 
loyalty and his military wisdom. 

This independence, amounting in youth to intolerance 
of restraint, at the time of the battle of Bennington, had 
been tempered by the experience of years. He then 
lacked but a few days of being forty-nine years old, having 
been born at Londonderry, New Hampshire, August 28, 
1728. This attribute of character was his natural posses- 
sion, both by heredity and environment. 

Tacitus says of the inhabitants of ancient Germany, 
that their love of liberty was so strong that such a thing as 
obedience was unknown among them. They chose a 
leader or war chief by universal suffrage, but each indi- 
vidual reserved the right to be master of his own conduct. 

It is known that in 1495, the Duchess of Burgundy, 
widow of Charles the Bold, sent a body of German soldiers 
to invade England in support of the claim of one of the 
pretenders to the throne of Henry VII. The invaders 
were defeated, and those who survived fled to Scotland and 
were protected by the Scottish king. Among the German 
soldiers who remained in Scotland were men named Stark, 
and they are supposed to be the ancestors of General 
Stark. Be that as it may, his father Archibald Stark, a 


native of Glasgow and a graduate of her university, hold- 
ing religious views differing from those of the reigning 
monarch, James the First, emigrated with others of like 
belief, to Londonderry in Ireland. 

After a few years' residence there, becoming dissat- 
isfied with the institution of tithes and rents, these Scotch- 
Irish Presbyterians sought the greater freedom of the 
New World. They landed in Maine and made their way 
to the then frontier, establishing a settlement which they 
named Londonderry, in memory of their place of abode in 

With such heredity, restiveness under restraint might 
be expected; and in addition to that, Stark's early life and 
associations were such as to inspire him with a feeling of 
self-confidence, and the habit of mind of forming and exe- 
cuting his own plans, rather than of accepting blindly the 
directions of others. The home of his youth was on the 
outskirts of the settlements, in constant danger of Indian 
forays, and where his mother often stood guard with a 
rifle while the men were working in the fields.* 

When he was twenty-four years of age, he was cap- 
tured by the St. Francis Indians, and won the hearts of 
his captors by his fearlessness and resource. When made 
to run the gantlet, he snatched a club from the nearest 
warrior in the line and laid about him so lustily, that he 
escaped with little injury, and left many tokens of his 
prowess on the persons of the Indians, to the great amuse- 
ment of the old men of the tribe who were spectators. 
When put at the squaw's work hoeing corn, he cut up the 
plants and left the weeds, and finally threw the hoe in the 

*This statement is not literally true, for while this section of the 
frontier was frequently threatened with an attack from the Indians, no 
actual danger came to the settlers about Amoskeag Falls, where the 
Starks lived. This was due, however, mainly to the vigor with which 
these sturdy pioneers waged their warfare elsewhere. It may not be out 
of place to remark that rifles were not in use in the early days of 
Stark. — Editor. 


river, thus showing the Indians that he possessed the true 
idea of the dignity of a warrior, and he was made chief of 
the tribe. 

His early military training was such as to develop and 
strengthen his love of independent action. 

Robert Rogers, the famous leader of the rangers, 
selected Stark as one of the lieutenants of his company, 
when it was organized in 1755, for service in the French 
and Indian War. This was a compliment to the young 
lieutenant's strength, endurance, woodcraft and fidelity, for 
none were enlisted in that chosen band but those who 
knew the woods, and who could be trusted with entire con- 
fidence in any situation. 

Stark's company was stationed at Fort Edward when 
the French under Baron Dieskau and the English under 
Gen. William Johnson fought the battle near this place, 
September 8, 1755, which resulted in the defeat of the 
French. Other results of the battle were the death of 
Col. Ephraim Williams, founder of Williams College, 
whose monument can be seen in the defile south of this 
village; the attaching of the names French Mountain and 
Bloody Pond to familiar features of the landscape, and the 
title of baronet to Sir William Johnson. 

This battle closed the campaign, and Stark saw no 
more active service till 1757. On January 15, of that year, 
Major Robert Rogers, with a company of seventy-four 
rangers, Stark being present as first lieutenant, left their 
station at Fort Edward and marched to Fort William 
Henry, where they spent two days preparing snowshoes 
and provisions for an excursion to Ticonderoga. On the 
17th they proceeded down Lake George on the ice, camp- 
ing that night on the east shore near what is now known 
as Pearl Point. The weather was so severe and the travel- 
ing so difficult that it took the party the next three days 
to reach a point three miles from Lake Champlain. The 
next day, January 21, they reached that lake halfway 
between Crown Point and Ticonderoga. Seeing some 


sleds advancing over the ice in the distance, Rogers pur- 
sued them and took several prisoners, from whom he 
learned there was a large force of French and Indians at 
Ticonderoga. Knowing those who escaped would give the 
enemy intelligence of his approach, and that an immediate 
attack would follow, Major Rogers gave orders to his men 
to retreat as quickly as possible to the place they had occu- 
pied the night before, where the fires were still burning, 
and where they could dry their guns, as it was raining. 

After the custom of the rangers, they commenced the 
march in single file, Rogers in front, Stark in the rear. 
Suddenly, after a mile had been traversed, on ascending a 
hill, they found themselves face to face with two hundred 
men drawn up in the form of a crescent. The straggling 
line of rangers was not twenty feet from the enemy when 
they received the first fire. Rogers was soon wounded, 
and the command devolved upon Stark, who rallied the 
men and held off the enemy. When some of his men 
proposed retreat, he threatened to shoot the first man who 
attempted it; when his gunlock was shattered by a bullet, 
he sprang forward and wrenched a gun from the dying 
grasp of a Frenchman, who was shot through the body, 
and renewed the battle. Thus they continued to fight in 
snow four feet deep, until the cold January night came on, 
and the enemy withdrew. Then the retreat of the 
Rangers began, and at dawn they had reached Lake 
George. It was impossible for the wounded to go farther 
on foot, and Stark, with two men, proceeded on snowshoes 
to Fort William Henry, over the ice, reaching there at 

Without stopping to rest, he started back, with a 
sleigh and a small reinforcing party, reaching his men the 
next morning, and bringing the party to the fort that 

After having marched and fought all one day, then 
retreated all one night, he travelled on foot and over snow 
and ice, without stopping to rest, one hundred and twenty 


miles in less than forty hours. As a feat of endurance 
alone, it has seldom been equalled. 

In the month of March, 1757, Captain Stark, who was, 
in the absence of Major Rogers, in command of the 
rangers at Fort William Henry, gave evidence of his 
shrewdness and vigilance. While going the rounds the 
night before St. Patrick's Day, he heard some of the 
rangers planning to celebrate the occasion. There were 
many Irish among the regular troops, as well as among the 
rangers, and Stark foresaw the danger to which the post 
would be exposed at the close of the day, spent in excess 
and intoxication. 

He therefore gave orders to the sutler that no spirit- 
uous liquors should be issued to his rangers, except on 
written orders signed by himself, and when applied to for 
those orders he pleaded a lameness of the wrist as an 
excuse for not giving them. Thus the evening of St. 
Patrick's Day found the rangers sober, though the regulars 
had celebrated in the usual way. The French knowing 
the Irish custom calculated that the garrison would be in 
no condition to defend the fort, and made a night attack, 
but were repulsed by John Stark and his ready rangers. 

In 1758, Captain Stark in command of a company of 
Major Rogers' rangers, was a part of that army of 16,000 
men who under General Abercrombie and the brilliant 
Lord Howe, made the disastrous campaign against the 
French at Ticonderoga. 

Ten thousand American and 6,000 English regular 
soldiers, gathered at Fort Gage, south of this village; their 
camp extending to the base of the mountains and covering 
all the level land; and on the evening of July 4 of that 
year all the stores were loaded into the boats which lined 
the beach at the head of the lake. At sunrise Saturday, 
July 5, 1758, the army sailed for the north. There were 
900 bateaux, or flat-bottom boats, over thirty feet long, 135 
whale boats, besides many large flat-bottomed boats for 
artillery. The English regular soldiers with their scarlet 


coats were in the center, the Americans in blue, when uni- 
formed at all, on either side. It was a beautiful mid-sum- 
mer day, and Lake George has never before or since seen 
so imposing a pageant. 

With flags flying, bugles and bagpipes playing, it was 
all the pomp and circumstances of glorious war. When 
the last boat left the shore, the foremost had reached 
Diamond Island, and the intervening water seemed entirely 
covered. When the Narrows was reached and it became 
necessary to stretch out into lines, the flotilla extended 
over a space of six miles. Late in the afternoon they 
reached a point on the west shore where a landing was 
made, and from whence they left at an early hour Sabbath 
morning for Ticonderoga. This landing place was called 
by them Sabbath Day Point, which name it retains to this 
day. That night Lord Howe called Captain Stark to his 
tent and learned from him all he knew of Ticonderoga and 
its surroundings. 

Of the death of Lord Howe at the first volley; of the 
indecision and bad management of General Abercrombie, 
or "Mrs. Nabby Cromby," as he was derisively called by 
his men; of the useless sacrifice of life and the failure of 
the expedition, it is not necessary to speak, except to say 
that the rangers were the first to advance and the last to 
retreat, justifying in every respect the confidence reposed 
in them. 

When news of the conflict at Concord and Lexington 
was received, Stark was at work in his sawmill. Without 
waiting to go home to put on a coat, he jumped upon a 
horse, sending word to his wife to forward his regimentals 
to Medford, and in ten minutes' time was on his way to 
the front, arousing volunteers at every farmhouse and ham- 
let. During the years following the French and Indian 
War, he had been active and and influential in urging upon 
the people of his colony the necessity of military prepar- 
ation, and the guns at Lexington found him ready for 


One of the most prominent features of Stark's life is 
the absolute confidence reposed in him by his soldiers. 

The rangers in border conflict, the militia behind the 
rail fence at Bunker Hill, his men leading the attack at 
Trenton or storming the battery at Bennington, followed 
Stark with an unhesitating obedience and a devoted loyalty. 
He was a plain, blunt man, but they knew his bravery, 
they believed in his military skill. When General Gage 
was asked at Boston if the Americans would stand the 
assault of the royal troops, he replied they would if one 
John Stark were among them, for he was a brave fellow, 
and had served under him at Lake George in 1758 and 


His rule of military action was that battles were won 
by fighting, yet was his zeal tempered by prudence and 
forethought. When urged to move the men of his regi- 
ment forward faster at Bunker Hill, he refused to do so, 
saying, "one fresh man in battle is better than ten who 
are fatigued;" and when his men were in line and eager to 
attack, he made them reserve their fire "until they could 
see the enemies' gaiters." But when Washington was 
planning his desperate attack upon Trenton, Colonel 
Stark's advice in council was, "Your men have long been 
accustomed to place dependence upon spades and pick for 
safety, but if you ever mean to establish the independence 
of the United States you must teach them to rely upon 
firearms." And to the fighting parson at Bennington who 
complained of inaction, he said, "If the Lord will once 
more give us sunshine, and I do not give you fighting 
enough, I will never ask you to come out again." And his 
remark later on the same day, in reference to the possible 
widowhood of Molly Stark, not only made a very worthy 
woman forever famous in American history, but displayed 
in an emphatic way, the keynote of Stark's character as a 
fighting man. 

Whether his mind had received the proper training for 
the grand strategy of war, and the management of large 


masses of troops, may be an open question; but in battle 
where the combatants were within his view, and under the 
conditions of warfare existing at that day he was a match- 
less leader. 

In person General Stark was of medium height, well 
proportioned, was smoothly shaven, and of a thoughtful 
and somewhat severe expression of countenance. In 
youth he was noted for strength, activity, and ability to 
endure fatigue. 

With these few strokes I have endeavored to draw a 
portrait of the American leader at Bennington. 

Of his subsequent services in the War of the Revolu- 
tion, I shall say little. 

As general in charge of the Northern department, 
with headquarters at Albany, in 1778, he was a faithful 
officer; as Washington's representative in New England in 
1779 and 1780, soliciting recruits and supplies, the confi- 
dence placed in him by the people made success assured; 
as commander-in-chief of the Northern department in 
1781, with headquarters at Saratoga, he restored order and 
made life and property safe, where before it had been at the 
mercy of bands of plunderers; and when the war was over 
he returned to his modest New Hampshire home, honored 
by all his countrymen, a true Cincinnatus, though as might 
be expected from our study of his character, a bitter oppo- 
nent of the Order of the Cincinnati. 

His private life was simple and above reproach. He 
was considered stern and unbending. In the heat of the 
action at Bunker Hill, it was reported to Stark that his son 
was killed. He remarked to the person who brought the 
information that it was no time to talk of private affairs, 
when the enemy was in front. 

Happily the report was untrue, but it illustrates the 
spirit of the man. 

There was another and a tender side to his nature, 
evidenced by his great love of pets, and by his habitual use 
of nicknames. He bestowed one of the latter upon each 


member of his family, and thus his wife Elizabeth became 

She died when the general was eighty-four years of 
age. At her funeral the minister in his remarks referred 
to the general in a complimentary manner. Rapping 
sharply upon the floor with his cane, the old warrior said, 
"Tut, tut, no more of that an it please you." And as the 
funeral procession left the house, too feeble to accom- 
pany it, he tottered into his room, saying sadly, "Good bye, 
Molly, we sup no more together on earth." 

Ten years later, on the 8th of March, 1822, at the age 
of ninety-four, John Stark died. Above the grave of this 
brave, honest, incorruptible patriot, on the banks of the 
Merrimack, which he loved so well, stands a fitting monu- 
ment, a plain shaft of New Hampshire granite, with the 
simple inscription: 


CtecoEecttona oi tfje <®lb J|mtober 
Street Cfjurtfj 

Extracts from a Paper by Deacon John Kimball 

The following article was furnished by Mr. Francis B. Eaton a few 
years ago, with the succeeding note: "In my younger days, when old 
Derryfield was emerging from its chrysalis state, we country people 
mostly had formed opinions as to the condition of things here and here- 
about not much higher than we might have had for the cities of the 
plain, Sodom and Gomorah. The Parker murder seemed to cap the 
climax. Mr. Kimball's paper of local interest shows some good New 
England influences at work in in the foundation of our Queen City of to- 
day, and that all was not then so black as it was painted." The author 
of the "Recollections" was for some time President of the Central Congre- 
gational Club of New Hampshire, and the article was read before one of 
its meetings. — Editor. 

IXTY years ago I left my country home in Boscawen 
and took up my abode in this city. My mother 
had heard Dr. Wallace preach at a series of meet- 
ings held in that town. She earnestly requested me on 
leaving to be sure to become a regular attendant at the 
Hanover Street Church under his pastoral care. On the 
Sunday after my arrival I went to the old church situated 
nearer Elm Street, then the new church. On entering I 
was met by Mr. Moulton, the sexton. I informed him I 
had come to stay awhile and wanted a regular seat. He 
replied that he would find a seat for me that day and dur- 
ing the week would see if he could secure a regular seat. 
On the second Sunday I was shown into a pew occupied 
by an old gentleman and his family. His name was Eben 
Foster. The pew was the first on the east end of the 
church next to the pulpit. Mrs. Foster had a sister living 
in Boscawen, who was an intimate friend of my mother. 
In order to properly engage in the service it became neces- 



sary to procure a Hymn Book, which I found at a book- 
store on Elm street. I had my name printed in gold let- 
ters on the cover. I have carefully kept the book until 
this time. It is what is known as "Watts's Select." In 
the first part is Psalms, numbering 150, just the same num- 
ber as is in the Bible, — written by Dr. Isaac Watts, 
who has written about 600 Psalms and hymns. Many of 
them are in use to-day. Dr. Watts was a dissenting 
clergyman and preached in the city of London about the 
year 1700. Later he changed to Southhampton. One 
morning he looked over the arm of the sea which sepa- 
rates the mainland from the Isle of Wight, and beholding 
its beauty he wrote: 

"Sweet fields beyond the swelling flood 
Stand dressed in living green; 
So to the Jews old Canaan stood 
While Jordan rolled between." 

Next in the book were Books I, II and III. Later, 
at the end, were added, "Select Hymns" by different 
authors, which were inserted to keep the book "up to 

I had a friend who desired a seat with me. He was 
from Gilmanton, and as Dr. Wallace prepared for the min- 
istry at the seminary there my friend had known of him. 
His name was Nehemiah Sleeper Bean. I am glad to 
know that his respected son is a prominent member of this 

I had another friend who attended the same church. 
He occupied a seat in the choir and played a brass instru- 
ment to assist in the music. He was from Canterbury, 
and his father was a deacon in the church there under the 
pastoral care of the Rev. William Patrick. His name was 
Thomas Ham. He died last year in Laconia, at the 
advanced age of eighty-four. 

To digress a little, Mr. Patrick was a Scotch-Irish 
minister from Londonderry. He used "Watts's Select" in 
his church in Canterbury, and always commenced the ser- 


vice in the forenoon by saying, "Let us commence the 

worship of God this morning by singing to his praise 

Psalm." In the afternoon he would say, "Let us resume 

the worship of God this afternoon in the use of 

Hymn of the Selection." During a visit to Constanti- 
nople, in 1895, I met ms granddaughter, Miss Mary 
Patrick, a native of Canterbury, who is the distinguished 
president of the American College for Girls at Scutari. 
At the installation of President Hadley of Yale College, a 
few years ago, Miss Patrick was honored by occupying a 
seat on the platform with the other presidents of American 

I occasionally attended evening meetings, which were 
held in southwest corner of the church. There was no 
chapel, as the stove which was used for heating the church 
was located there. Generally there were not more than 
twenty or thirty present. Deacon Hiram Brown was 
usually there. He was a man easily approached and 
always had a kind word for strangers. He was the first 
mayor of the city. The last time I met him was in the 
city of Washington, where he had charge of the grounds 
around the Executive Mansion during the administration 
of President Johnson. He gave me a cordial greeting. 
Another brother was Deacon Baldwin, who generally took 
charge of the meetings. Had I met him in Canterbury, I 
should have supposed he would be classed as a Freewill 
Baptist. When the spirit of the meeting would lag a little, 
the deacon would sing a hymn commencing, 

"Come blooming youth and seek the truth and on to glory go," etc. 

He was an earnest, loyal deacon. 

On entering the church and walking up the east 
aisle, I passed the pew of Samuel D. Bell, who was a con- 
stant attendant. He was afterwards chief justice of the 
Supreme court of the state. One of the prominent men 
who was a constant worshiper was Robert Reed, agent of 
the Amoskeag Company, a particular friend of the pastor, 


also David Gillis, agent of the Manchester Mills, and 
William G. Means, father of the late Charles T. Means. 
His voice was frequently heard in the prayer-meetings. I 
was particularly pleased with Mr. Means, because he was 
the paymaster on the Amoskeag, where I met him every 
four weeks. I early made the acquaintance of Frederick 
Smyth. He was prominent in all church matters. I 
retained friendly relations with him in the numerous public 
positions to which he was afterwards called. I was 
selected to act as one of the bearers at his burial. ' 

During my residence in the city, I met a friend and 
relative, who attended the Hanover Street Church. She, 
too, came from Canterbury. Subsequently she became 
the wife of Dr. William W. Brown. Of her history you 
are all well informed. She left her property to support 
the Children's Home. 

I will mention only one more, Brother Charles Hutch- 
inson, in whose family I resided. Mrs. Hutchinson was a 
decided Methodist, so to make all harmonious they attended 
the Hanover Street Church in the forenoon and the Meth- 
odist Church in the afternoon. It was Mr. Hutchinson 
who invited me to join a Sunday-school class. I was 
introduced to Mr. Payson, who was a teacher in one of the 
public schools. His class was in the gallery. Mr. Payson 
said I must provide myself with a copy of "Bane's Notes 
on the Gospels," and a question book to match. (Quar- 
terlies were not in use then.) I found Mr. Payson to be 
an excellent teacher. In all my sixty years of Sunday- 
school life, I never knew a better. 

During my stay in Manchester, I became strongly 
attached to Dr. Wallace. He frequently preached in the 
South Church in Concord, where he always met with a 
cordial welcome. 

j^otes! Jfrom an 4M&=Ctme l^tetorp 

a 1 

MONG the American geographies and gazetteers of 
a hundred years ago, that by the Rev. Jedidiah 
Morse, a native of Wethersfield, Conn., and 
for many years a resident of Charlestown, Mass., for a 
quarter of a century stood at the head. A reader of 
one of these old-time books finds many interesting com- 
parisons with our present situations. Some of its state- 
ments are somewhat startling, for example, where it says 
in speaking of the rivers and bridges of the state that "A 
bridge has been erected over Amoskeag falls 656 feet in 
length and 80 feet wide, supported by five piers. And 
what is remarkable, this bridge was rendered passable for 
travelers in 57 days after it was begun." 

The history mentions as the principal towns of the 
state at that time, 1804, the following, with their popula- 
tion: Portsmouth, 5,339; Exeter, 1,727; Concord, 2,052; 
Dover, 2,042; Durham, 1,126; Amherst, 2,150; Keene, 
1,646; Charlestown 1,364; Haverhill, 805; Plymouth, 743. 

There was no Manchester in the state at that time, 
and Derryfield had not risen to sufficient importance to 
find honorable mention. 

Portsmouth is described as the principal town in the 
state, it being situated about two miles from the sea on the 
south side of the Piscataqua river. It contained 500 
houses and nearly as many other buildings. In a brief 
sketch of Concord it says: "Concord is a pleasant, flourish- 
ing town. The general court of late has commonly held 
sessions there, and from its central situation and a thriv- 
ing back country it will probably become the permanent 
seat of government. Much of the trading of the upper 
Coos centers in the town." 



Speaking of trade and manufacture it says that the 
inhabitants in the southwestern section of the state gener- 
ally carried their producte to Boston. In the middle and 
northern section, as far as the lower Coos, they trade at 
Portsmouth. Above the Lower Coos there were no con- 
venient roads direct to the seacoast. The people on the 
upper branches of the Saco river found their nearest mar- 
ket at Portland, in the district of Maine, and thither the 
inhabitants of upper Coos have generally carried their 
produce, some have gone in the other direction to New 
York markets. The people in the country generally manu- 
factured their own clothing and considerable quantities of 
tow cloth for exportation. The other manufactures were 
pot and pearl ashes, maple sugar, bricks and pottery and 
some iron, not sufficient, however, for home consumption, 
though it might be made an article of exportation. 

It is worthy of statement that the eldest son of this 
pioneer of historians in our country, Samuel Finley Breese 
Morse, artist and inventor, for some time in his early man- 
hood was a resident of Manchester, and the reader is 
referred to the article in this volume of "The Art and 
Artists of Manchester." 

Qfyt <®l& Crofcm Point Utoao 

An Historical Address Delivered by the Hon. 
Albin S. Burbank at Cavendish, Vt., September 
17, 1909, at the Dedication by the D. A. R. of 
a Memorial to the Memory of the Builders of 
this Great Military Highway in 1759-60. 

While not coming within the territory of New Hampshire our state 
had then and later a decided interest in the old road running from her out- 
post on the Connecticut River, Old Number Four, to those important 
defences on the shores of Lake Champlain, Fort Ticonderoga and Crown 
Point. These last places, together with Fort William Henry at Lake 
George, had been built at great expense and must be maintained in order 
for the British to hold their supremacy of the American continent against 
their allied foes, the French and Amerinds. The need of this road had 
been seen through the earlier stages of the Seven Years' War, when it had 
been found so difficult to unite with sufficient ease and celerity the forces 
of New England and the west. 

Accordingly the task, greater for its day than now seems evident, was 
begun in 1759, and two New Hampshire men, Col. John Goffe and Capt. 
John Stark, were selected to take charge of the construction of the two 
divisions of the road. The way, practically a bee-line between its objective 
points, was built on the high lands and avoided the swamps. The wisdom 
of its projectors was quickly shown, and it became one of the prime fac- 
tors in determining the result of the long and arduous struggle. It 
seemed like the irony of fate that this highway should prove the means 
of the downfall in this country of its military builders, in less than a score 
of years. Without this road it is doubtful if Gen. John Stark could have 
rallied and marched his men across the province of the Green Mountains 
in season to have made his heroic and victorious stand at Bennington in 
the darkest hour of the Revolution. 

The President of the day, Hon. Gilbert A. Davis, in his introductory 
remarks at the unveiling of the tablet at Springfield, Vt., says aptly. "The 
building of this road was no insignificant event, but an enterprise of great 
national importance. We do well to honor it and mark its location, as 



has been done from the Connecticut River along its line up into Weathers- 
field. Unless this road had been built, perhaps George Washington, Gen- 
eral Stark, Ethan Allen, and thousands of others . . . men whom we 
justly regard as patriots and heroes, would have been classed as rebels 
and traitors; the Declaration of American Independence would have been 
regarded as a crime and a blunder." — Editor. 

/^^^HIS is historic ground and has been trodden by 
' ^c j many thousand soldiers in those early days. 
There is a tradition that the cannon captured by 
Ethan Allen at Ticonderoga were taken to Boston over 
this route, but we are unable at this late day to verify the 
legend. In order that we may better understand the 
necessity for this road (which was a great undertaking for 
those days) I shall recall some points in the early his- 
tory of the Colonies, and take up some of the important 
events connected therewith, giving prominence to Number 
Four, which was so intimately connected with the road. 

At the end of Queen Anne's War in 1713, there was 
no English settlement or lodgement on the Connecticut 
River above Greenfield, then "Green River Farms," a dis- 
trict of Deerfield. In 1714 Northfield became permanently 
established as the frontier town. During the Father Rales 
War of 1722-25, which was mainly a rising of some of the 
Indian tribes, led by the Jesuit priest and backed by the 
French governor, Vaudrieul, the outpost was advanced up 
the west side of the river above Northfield with the erec- 
tion of Fort Dummer, now Brattleboro. 

With the close of that war Fort Dummer became a 
truck house for trading with the then peaceful Indians 
coming down from Canada, and soon a slender settlement 
of traders grew up about it. This was the pioneer settle- 
ment of the upper valley of the Connecticut. It was the 
nucleus of Brattleboro, chartered and named some years 
later, the first English township in what is now Vermont. 
It remained the only upper valley settlement until about 
1740. Fort Dummer was erected by the province of Massa- 
chusetts for the protection of the northwestern frontier of 


Massachusetts and Connecticut. It was ordered to be 
garrisoned by forty able men (English) and western Mohawk 
Indians. The site of the fort is in the southeastern por- 
tion of the town of Brattleboro, still known as Dummer's 
meadows. It was built under the supervision of Col. John 
Stoddard of Northampton. Lieut. Timothy Dwight had 
immediate charge of the work and was the first commander 
of the fort. He was an ancestor of President Timothy 
Dwight of Yale. The fort was built on what was known 
as the equivalent lands, which were four parcels of unoccu- 
pied tracts along the west banks of the river between the 
present limits of Brattleboro, Dummerston and Putney, 
107,793 acres in all, which Massachusetts had transferred 
to Connecticut in settlement of colonial lines. Afterwards 
Connecticut granted them back to Massachusetts. Thirty 
years later these townships (complaining of Massachusetts 
taxation) again of their own motion shifted back to Con- 
necticut. Shortly afterward Connecticut sold them at pub- 
lic vendue and gave the proceeds to Yale College; they 
brought a little more than a farthing per acre. The pur- 
chase fell to four Massachusetts men; these were William 
Dummer, lieutenant-governor of the province, William 
Brattle of Cambridge, and Anthony Stoddard and John 
White of Boston, — hence the name of the fort for the gov- 
ernor and the town for the Cambridge man. The fort was 
a stout structure built of yellow pine and thought to be 
proof against ordinary assaults, but in October following 
its completion (1724) it was attacked by Indians and four 
or five of the garrison killed or wounded. Subsequently a 
stockade was built around it, composed of stout square 
hewn timbers twelve feet long, set upright in the ground, 
inclosing an acre and a half. This and Number Four 
erected later were the chief military outposts until the 
conquest of Canada. 

In 1740 three families from Lunenburg, Mass., began 
the east side settlement of Number Four, which later 
became Charlestown, and in 1743 a fort was erected. Capt. 


Phineas Stephens was early there, and became the hero of 
Number Four. He was a soldier of exeptional ability and 
skill, and was familiar with the methods of Indian warfare, 
having in his youth been a captive of the St. Francis tribe, 
taken with his brother at Rutland, Mass., during a raid of 
Father Rales war. Late in March, 1746, having been 
employed elsewhere, he returned with forty-nine men to 
Number Four, which was now a plantation of nine or ten 
families, to save the fort from falling into the hands of the 
enemy, and arrived just in time, for a force of French and 
Indians under Ensign de Niverville was close upon it. On 
the 19th of April and in May and June there were assaults 
by the Indians, and in July the fort was besieged for two 
days. Throughout the rest of the summer it was block- 
aded. In August the enemy destroyed all the horses, cattle, 
and hogs in the settlement, and then withdrew. Number 
Four was evacuated and lay deserted until March, 1747, 
when Captain Stevens again returned with thirty rangers. 
He found the fort uninjured and received a joyous wel- 
come from two inmates — an old spaniel and a cat left at the 
evacuation. On the 4th of April a body of trained French 
soldiers and Indian warriors appeared, variously estimated 
at from four to seven hundred; then followed the siege 
which lasted for five days. But Captain Stevens and his 
men stood firm, and although the enemy endeavored to fire 
the fort, they were unsuccessful. Finally at a parley the 
French commander promised if the men would lay down 
their arms and march out; their lives would be spared, 
otherwise he would set the fort on fire and run over the top 
of it. Assembling his men, the captain put it to vote whether 
to fight on or to capitulate. All to a man voted to stand it 
out as long as they had life. About noon of the fifth day, 
the enemy proposed if the besieged would sell them pro- 
visions they would leave and not fight any more. To this 
the captain replied he would not sell them provisions for 
money, but if they would send in a captive for every five 
bushels of corn he would supply them. Soon after a few 


guns were fired and the enemy withdrew. So ended the 
remarkable battle of 700 against 30. Of the enemy many 
were slain, but the besieged had none killed and only two 
wounded An express carried the news to Boston, and 
Captain Stevens' gallant defense won the admiration, 
expressed in the gift of an elegant sword, of Sir Charles 
Knowles of the British navy, then in Boston, whose name 
was subsequently bestowed on the settlement at Charles- 

Number Four, as the outermost post with no settle- 
ment within 40 miles of it, again bore the brunt of war 
through the troubled period of 1754 to 1760, and suffered 
many hardships. It received the first hard shock of the 
outbreak when in August, 1754, a band of Indians burst 
into the house of Capt. James Johnson, siezed the seven 
inmates and hurried them all off to Canada. The story of 
the adventures and sufferings as told in Mrs. Johnson's 
narrative is familiar to many of us. 

In 1755 the Indians came swooping down the valley 
again. About midsummer news came that 500 Indians 
were collecting in Canada to exterminate the whole white 
population on the river. The settlers were attacked at 
different times at Walpole and Bellows Falls, and twice at 
Hinsdale. While the assault at Walpole was the last by 
the Indians in force, roaming bands continued to infest the 
frontier towns till the close of the war. In the spring of 
1757, a band of French and Indians came again upon 
Charlestown, and attacking the settlers carried five to 
Canada and there sold them into slavery as usual, only two 
surviving their captivity. After the spring of 1757, Num- 
ber Four was under the jurisdiction of the king's officers. 
The fort was the rendezvous of various colonial regiments 
and a headquarters of rangers. 

In 1755 France was in possession of Canada; and the 
western shore of Lake Champlain, with Fort Carrillon at 
Ticonderoga and Fort Frederick at Crown Point, were also 
garrison ed by 200 French regulars, 700 Canadians and 600 


Indians; the French also had settlements in Louisiana, 
The English occupied the country south of Canada and 
west to the Ohio river; Boston was the headquarters and 
seat of the provincial government for the Massachusetts 
colonies. England and France, aside from European com- 
plications, had cause enough for war on this continent, 
France having colonized Canada and Louisiana while Eng- 
land had established colonies in between, which separated 
the French settlements. To connect the latter, and to 
exclude England from the great fur trade of the interior, 
France began to erect a series of military posts from the 
Niagara river to the mouth of the Mississippi. This action 
was naturally resented by the English and her American 
colonists, and in 1755 the conflict began by an attack on 
the French forts in the Ohio valley. George Washington 
himself fired the first hostile shot in this, the French and 
Indian War, at a place about forty miles from where the 
city of Pittsburg, Pa., now stands, and the fight was on 
between the French and English to see which should have 
supremacy on this continent. The French enlisted some 
of the Indian tribes as allies through the influence of the 
Jesuit priests, and practised many barbarities. They gave 
the Indians a bounty on the captives they brought in alive, 
and sold them as slaves to the French residents of Mon- 
treal and vicinity. In some cases the captives were held 
for ransom, and sometimes when the price came it was 
held and the prisoners not liberated. The war had been 
continued from 1755 to 1758, the campaign for the latter 
year had been very successful for the English, and their 
power was steadily waxing as that of the French waned. 
Several leading tribes of Indians joined the Six Nations in 
treaties of neutrality with the English. Gen. Jeffrey 
Amherst, a brilliant and effective officer, had succeeded to 
the command of the English forces, displacing the incom- 
petent Lord Loudon. In the early summer of 1759 three 
great campaigns were arranged by the English, by one of 
which General Amherst was to proceed against Ticonderoga 


and Crown Point and invade Canada by the northern route. 
He accordingly advanced against Ticonderoga, when the 
French destroyed the fort and retreated to Fort Frederick 
at Crown Point. Amherst followed and the French fled to 
an island in the northern part of Lake Champlain. Thus 
the whole country around Lake Champlain fell into the 
hands of the English. 

This brings us to the time of building this road. Gen- 
eral Amherst wanted men and supplies for his advance 
upon Montreal. Number Four was the rendezvous for 
troops enlisted in Massachusetts and New Hampshire, and 
the road was necessary. The then unoccupied territory 
north of the Massachusett line and between the Connecti- 
cut and Hudson rivers was constantly crossed and recrossed 
by armed parties of whites and marauding Indians. It 
was a vast unguarded frontier, unsafe and liable at any 
time to be overrun by savage foes, for which reason what 
is now Vermont was not sooner settled and occupied by 
the whites. 

In January, 1727-1728, the general court of Boston 
authorized an exploration of the country between the 
northern frontiers and Canada. One party was to discover 
that part lying between the Connecticut river and Lake 
Champlain. Later traders had explored by the old Indian 
trail by way of what is now Springfield, Weathersfield, 
Cavendish, Ludlow and Plymouth, thence across the moun- 
tains by Otter Creek to Lake Champlain. This was the 
route usually taken by Indians coming down to the truck 
house at Fort Dummer. 

The diary of a journey made in 1730, by a trader, 
James Cross of Deerfield, describing the course of the trail 
and the country about it, was laid before the government. 
The journal read as follows: 

"Monday ye 27 tk April, 1730. At about 12 of ye clocke we left 
Fort Dummer and travailed that day three miles and lay down that night 
by West River which is distant 3 miles from Fort Dummer. Notabene, 
I travailed with 12 Canada Mohawks that drank to great excess at ye fort 


and killed a Skatacook Indian in their drunken condition that came to 
smoke with them. 

Tuesday. We travailed upon the great river (Connecticut) about ten 
miles. We kept ye same course upon ye Great River, traveled about 10 
miles and eat a drowned Buck that night. We travailed upon ye Great 
River within 2 miles of ye Great Falls (Bellows Falls) in said River then 
went upon land to ye Black River above Great Falls. Went up that 
river and lodged about a mile and a half from the mouth of Black River 
which days travel we judged was about 10 miles. 

Friday. We cross Black River at Falls (now Springfield Village) 
afterwards through ye woods Nor-Northwest. Then cross Black River 
again about 17 miles above our first crossing. Afterwards travel ye same 
course and pitched our tents on ye homeward side of Black River. 

Saturday. We crossed Black River and left a great mountain on ye 
right hand and another on ye left (Ludlov\). Keep a N. W. Course till 
we pitch our tent after 11 miles travail by a brook which we called a 
branch of Black River. 

Sabbath Day. W r e travailed to Black River at ye 3 islands between 
which and a large pond we past ye Black River and enter a mountain (in 
Plymouth) that afforded us a prospect of ye place of Fort Dummer. 
Soon after we enter a descending country and travail till we reach Arthur 
Creek (Otter Creek) in a descending land. In this days travail which is 
21 miles we came upon 7 brooks which ran a S. W. Course at ye north 
end of said mountain; from Black River to Arthur Creek we judged it 
is 25 miles. 

Monday. Made Canoes. 

Tuesday. Hindered travailing by rain. We go in our canoes upon 
Arthur Creek till we meet 2 great falls (probably Centre Rutland and Proc 
tor) said river is very black and deep and surrounded with good land to ye 
extremity of our prospect. This days travail 35 miles. 

Thursday. We sail 40 miles on Arthur Creek. We meet with great 
falls (Middlebury) and a little above them we meet two other pretty large 
falls (at Weybridge) and about 10 miles we meet other large falls (prob- 
ably Vergennes). We carried our canoe by these falls and came to ye 

The following resolution was passed by the House of 
Representatives of Massachusetts on the 10th day of 
March, 1756: "Whereas, it is of great importance that a 
thorough knowledge be had of the distance and practica- 


bility of a communication between Number Four, on the 
Connecticut River and Crown Point, and that the course 
down the Otter Creek shall be known, therefore; Voted 
that his Excellency, the Governor, be and he is hereby 
desired, as soon as may be, to appoint fourteen men upon the 
service; seven of them to go from said Number Four, direct 
course, to Crown Point to measure the distance and gain 
what knowledge they can of the country, and the other 
seven to go from Number Four to Otter Creek, aforesaid, 
and down said Creek to Lake Champlain, observing the 
true course of said Creek, its depth of water, what falls 
there are in it and also the soil on each side thereof and 
what growth of wood are near it. Each party of said men 
to keep a journal of their proceedings and observations 
and lay the same, on their return, before this court. They 
to observe all such directions as they may require from his 

"One man in each party is to be a skillful surveyor and 
the persons allowance made them by the court for their 

Col. Israel Williams of Hatfield was particularly 
charged with this duty. It was also proposed to build a 
strong fort on the height of land between Black River and 
Otter Creek. A military post was therefore deemed impor- 
tant, as it would furnish an opportunity to prevent the 
advance of the enemy from Lake Champlain, facilitate 
operations against Crown Point, and afford a safe retreat 
for scouting parties from the Connecticut River. 

In the following summer Lord Loudon took similar 
steps for a military road from the Connecticut, and obtained 
from Colonel Williams a topographical sketch of the coun- 
try and reports from the scouting officers, but owing to the 
number of hostile Indians infesting the region, no further 
attempt was made at that time to build either the fort or 
the road. 

In the spring of 1759, Capt. John Stark, having 
enlisted a new company, returned to Fort Edward and was 


present under General Amherst at the reduction of Fort 
Ticonderoga and Crown Point. After the surrender of 
Fort Frederick he was ordered by the general with a force 
of 200 rangers to construct a road through the wilderness 
from Crown Point to Number Four on the Connecticut. 
A good wagon road was built from Crown Point to Otter 
Creek and Colonel Hawks cut a bridle path thence over 
the mountains, but for some reason did not complete the 
work. The road commenced at Chimney Point, a short 
distance from Crown Point, in what is now the town of 
Addison. An older branch of this road and the only one 
traveled prior to 1759 (probably an old Indian trail) passed 
through Centre Rutland northerly to what is now Proctor, 
following nearly the west Proctor road and the present road 
in Pittsford west of the Otter Creek, crossing the Hubbard- 
ton road, from Pittsford railroad station about a mile west 
of the present West Creek road, continuing northerly to 
Breese's mills, thence to Crown Point. 

The eastern end of the road, between Number Four 
and the mountains, was built in the summer of 1760, one 
hundred and forty-nine years ago. The work was done 
by Col. John Goffe and his renewed regiment of eight hun- 
dred New Hampshire men. They had first opened a road 
from the Merrimack River towards the Connecticut, clear- 
ing a mere bridle path as far as Keene, N. H., and arrived 
at Number Four in June. Crossing the river, they first 
built a block house close by the ferry landing and enclosed 
it in palisades as a protection in case of trouble. They 
were 44 or 45 days in cutting the road to the mountains 
where it hit the bridle path cut by Colonel Hawks the year 
previous. At every mile they set up a post, and twenty- 
six of these posts had been placed when the mountains 
were reached. Their baggage was carried on ox-teams as 
far as the mountains, then pack horses were used. Such 
was the speed with which the work was dispatched that 
Colonel Goffe's regiment was able to participate in the 
final expedition against Montreal in September, 1760. 


While on this work an epidemic broke out among the 
soldiers employed, and several died; their bodies were 
buried at a spot east of the line of the road, in Springfield. 
The block house at the river, the land adjoining, and two 
of the king's boats used as a ferry, were given by General 
Amherst to Luxford Goodwin in payment for carrying a 
packet to General Murray at Quebec. All but a small part 
of the road through Springfield was discontinued as early 
as 1826. 

The road was built from a point on the river not far 
from where the Cheshire bridge is now located, just skirt- 
ing the southern point of Skitchewaug mountain running 
north by west through Springfield. 

Many provincial leaders who took part in the French 
and English war on the English side afterwards became 
famous in the war of the Revolution on the American side, 
notably George Washington, Israel Putnam, John Stark 
and John Hawks; Benjamin Franklin was also major of 
militia under the king, but found military life not to his 
taste and resigned. 

$mvy W. derrick 

The Appreciation of a Former Student 
By Alice Donlevy 

CjflN THE field of art and education in the United 
^11 States, Henry W. Herrick was a Pioneer. He 
paved the way for giving an honorable profession 
to women of talent and culture. 

Mr. Herrick had moral courage. He braved public 
opinion. In word and in deed went forward against the 
influence of the artists and engravers of this country in 
behalf of women. True, there were some exceptions 
among painters and publishers, and some celebrities of 
that time who respected the sacrifice of "business interests" 
made by Mr. Herrick when he taught women to engrave 
on wood. 

The prejudice then against women engravers was par- 
allel to the prejudice now against the Japanese. "Keep 
them out, else they will interfere with our bread and but- 
ter." This was the cry then against woman's higher art 
education, as it is now against the Japanese. 

He was a fine teacher, judging by the standards of 
to-day. Judging by the standards of fifty years ago, he 
was a wonderful teacher. He preached then what Hart- 
ley, the sculptor, says to-day in his "Art Lectures to Art 
Schools," viz.: If you intend the fullest expression of 
humanity that art can give, draw from Life; not simply 
models who are sitting still for you, but draw men, women 
and children who do not know you are drawing them." 

Mr. Herrick made his pupils feel that he was a good 
man, a refined American, a public-spirited citizen, and a 
Defender of the Faith in Human Progress. His manner 



and habits were conservative. His aims for women were 
radical. His influence was ideal. 

He became acquainted with Horace Greeley, the 
founder of the New York Tribune during the first World's 
Fair in New York city. Later, they used to meet at the 
exhibitions of the American Institute Fair, then a great 
event every year in city life. 

They had great respect for each other. Horace Gree- 
ley had the same magnetic effect on Mr. Herrick that he 
had on many men. Mr. Greeley had a winning smile and 
real coaxing, compelling eyes when he chose to exert an 
influence. He exerted that influence on Mr. Herrick so the 
concession was made of admitting me as a pupil of the 
School of Design under age. The rules drawn up by Mr. 
Herrick and the lady managers required the students to be 
fourteen years of age. 

The majority of the students were mature women who 
acted as protectors to the few pretty young ladies who 
were learning to draw or engrave on wood, or were prepar- 
ing to teach. 

All the students had a background of culture. Miss 
Mary Macready was afterwards one of the founders of the 
Young Women's Christian Association in New York city 
(where they have had drawing classes for years). Miss 
Katherine Ireland became a very successful teacher of 
history. Miss Jessie Curtis who Linton (when he came 
to this country as the greatest engraver on wood) said 
drew children more tenderly, more expressively, than any 
other artist. (Her later drawings bore her married name, 
Shepherd.) Ada C. Thompson* was the first teacher of 
drawing from Nature in the public schools of New York 
city. Some of the Board of Education came to consult 
Mr. Herrick, requesting him to select a good looking stu- 
dent, capable of interesting the pupils of all grades in 

*Mrs. S. S. Carpenter. 


the public school. They said they wanted a lady who had 
some knowledge of literature and some taste in dress. 

Among the pupils were the southern young ladies, 
Misses Henrietta and Virginia Granbery, who for many 
years have been constant exhibitors at the National Acad- 
emy of Design. Both taught drawing in important 
schools; one in the Packer Institute of Brooklyn. 

Miss Elizabeth Clement Field and Miss Annie Tooker 
were both pupils of Mr. Herrick during all the time of his 
connection with the School of Design. He came three 
times a week for two hours. It was Mr. Herrick's plan to 
appoint Miss Field and Miss Tooker as all-day teachers, 
ready to teach those who needed instruction and to receive 
orders for engraving on wood, to collect the money, to pay 
each engraver, deducting a commission to add to the funds 
of the school to help pay expenses. Besides this, Mr. 
Herrick asked Mrs. Corinne B. Nye, a native Canadian 
lady, who came from a highly cultured family and was an 
art collector with a fine library and an income, to represent 
the school whenever necessary. She went with Miss 
Field to publishers and business firms. Mrs. Nye was 
older than Mr. Herrick. He treated her with beautiful 
deference, though he criticised her drawing very severely. 
She had studied with good English artists, and Mr. Her- 
rick knew she could stand more criticism than the other 
students who had not received her early advantages. 

He asked Mrs. Nye to look after me, so she took me 
to art exhibitions and artists' studios and to scenes of nat- 
ural beauty and pointed out the places most suitable for 
landscape drawing from nature. She lent me whatever 
books Mr. Herrick recommended. 

Miss Gulielma Field was my tutor in engraving on 
wood. I sat on her bench with three others under her 

In short, Mr. Herrick knew how to cultivate a sense 
of public spirit among women. He knew how to choose 
his assistant teachers. He always co-operated with the 


lady managers in any plan for the betterment of the school 
and the necessary education of public opinion. 

Henry W. Herrick was a master in white line engrav- 
ing, and knew every expression a line could give. A later 
day master, Elbridge Kingsley, has taught the world of 
art what can be done with the other possibility in wood 
engraving, namely, viz.: white dots. Mr. Herrick did not 
know everything, but what he knew was high, broad and 

His creative talent made him (so far back as his teach- 
ing days in New York city) draw his own designs for book 
illustrations. His drawings were very easy for a good 
engraver to execute, not that I ever had the honor of 
engraving one, but I saw them every day. Nothing was 
left to the engraver's decision or imagination. Strong and 
delicate outlines, harmonious composition, shades and 
shadows painted in India ink, and over that pencil lines to 
show the direction the tint tool must take in the hand of 
the engraver; always the light and shade was effective, 
always the color was translated (as much as is possible), 
always the whole was exquisitely finished. 

This New England artist was a master in the technique 
of using paints mixed with water. I cannot better illlus- 
trate this than by giving the experience of a French artist 
who came to New York to make money with her pastel 
and porcelain portraits. She came to my studio saying, 
"I find those of my students who succeed are those that 
have taken lessons of you in water colors. Will you give 
me lessons in technique of water color washes? It will 
give me pleasure to pay what t is worth to me, and you 
will keep it secret." 

She took Mr. Herrick's book on "Water Color Paint- 
ing" to Paris with her. 

"Ah!" she exclaimed, "if he had sent his pictures to 
France, our government would have bought one." 

Mr. Herrick exerted a high moral influence. The 
tone of the School of Design was very high, very earnest, 


very aspiring. There was no flippant conversation. There 
was no attempt at Bohemian manners. True, two pretty 
girls did talk about their beaux at lunch time, but only 
then. (And would the world go on if there were no 
beaux?) There was no daubing of paint on clothes or wall 
as a testimony of genius. Quickness and exquisite clean- 
liness in using the brush were a requisite to success in 
drawing on wood for engraving. 

Mr. Herrick proved himself superior to the rock infe- 
rior artists rush against, viz.: the feminine flattery with 
which students often flood a teacher's senses. He was too 
dignified; too occupied with the proper direction of his 
pupils' career. He felt, and made all under his jurisdic- 
tion feel, that the School of Design was an experiment, 
and that it could only achieve success by the most earnest 
and ideal endeavor of all. 

Horace Greeley approved of the position Mr. Herrick 
had taken for the higher education of women in art. 
Before this girls were taught painting as an accomplish- 
ment. I never shall forget the forcible indictment during 
the Civil War, uttered by a young southern lady, "My 
father paid thousands of dollars for my education in fash- 
ionable schools in the North, but to-day I cannot earn one 
cent with all my accomplishments." 

Horace Greeley appreciated the practical bread win- 
ning side of the School of Design for Women of which 
Mr. Herrick was the back bone. Consequently there were 
many descriptions of the school and its aim and results 
published in the New York Tribune. Mr Greeley sent 
the best educated of the Tribune staff to visit the school, 
after a conference with Mr. Herrick. 

The lady managers of the School of Design 
planned a course of lectures, so as to provide funds for 
the necessary expenses. Six silver-tongued orators from 
New England and New York came to the rescue, and 
gave their time and brains. The old New Yorkers, the 
cultured New Yorkers and the society climbers swelled 



but always voted the Republican ticket. In 1890 the citi- 
zens of ward six sent him to represent them in the legisla- 
ture, and he served in that body during the term of 1890-91. 

He was a member of Louis Bell Post, No 3, G. A. R., 
and was also heartily interested in the Irish cause, and 
when the Land League was organized in Manchester he 
was its first treasurer. 

On January 20, 1869, Mr. Cody married Ellen Cough- 
lin, the ceremony being performed by the Rev. William 
McDonald, from which union were born the following 
children: Genevieve C., Walter F., Ellen M., Michael D., 
and Mary G. In March, 1881, Genevieve and Ellen died, 
leaving three living. 

His wife and children found him a kind and loving 
husband and father. In manner he was unassuming and 
courteous and, although he was deeply interested in every- 
thing that concerned the welfare of the city, he was happi- 
est at home with his family. 

In the summer of 1900, he went to Ireland and spent a 
number of weeks with relatives, visiting his boyhood home. 
Mr. Cody was always loyal to his religion and nationality, 
and has shown what a good American an Irish Catholic 
citizen can make. The sterling integrity which character- 
ized and formed the basis of his honorable and useful life 
present a lesson worthy of imitation. He died June 7, 
1904, at his home on Massabesic street, Manchester. 


Francis Brown Eaton, the son of Peter Eaton and 
Hannah Hale Kelley, was born in Candia February 26, 
1825. He was educated at the common and high schools 
in his native town, and at Pembroke and New Boston 


Academies. He taught school for a time, and in 1852 he 
wrote and published a "History of Candia, once known as 
Charmingfare, with Notices of Some of the Leading Fam- 
ilies." This interesting work is now rare. 

In 1853-4 ne was assistant editor and Washington cor- 
respondent of the Manchester Daily American. He mar- 
ried Lucretia, daughter of John Lane, Esq., January i r 
I854. Upon the institution of the Public Library of Man- 
chester, he became its librarian, a position he filled with apt 
ability for ten years, occupying the spare moments of his 
industrious life by writing for the Daily Mirror and corre- 
spondinging regularly to the Boston Traveller. From 
December, 1861, to January 1, 1863, he was editor and 
proprietor of the New Hampshire Journal of Agricul- 
ture, which upon the last-mentioned date was merged with 
the Mirror and Farmer, 

At this time Mr. Eaton accepted an editorial position 
in the office of the Boston Daily Advertiser until the 
close of the war, when he became assistant editor of the 
Boston Journal. From 1866 to 1869 he was in the employ 
of the Customs Department, and stationed at Portland, 
Me., and Montreal. 

At the close of his service here, Mr. Eaton returned 
to Manchester, where he opened a bookstore in the Mer- 
cantile Block. After eleven years as a book seller, he 
retired from business, though he continued to contribute 
to the local press, among his other articles being a highly 
interesting series in local history under the title, "Grapes 
from the Vines of the Piscataquog." He was the princi- 
pal author and editor of the sketches of the life and public 
services of ex- Governor Frederick Smyth, printed for pri- 
vate circulation in 1885. Some personal reminiscences 
were contributed by the Hon. Ben: Perley Poore. For 
several years, Mr. Eaton was a director of the First Na- 
tional Bank, and vice-president of the Merrimack River 
Savings Bank. 

Mr. Eaton was a charter member of the Manchester 
Historic Association, and always a willing and efficient 


worker. Several of the sketches in the preceding volumes 
of the published works of the society were written by him, 
while the valuable article upon Lake Massabesic, pub- 
lished in Vol. Ill was written by him in his happy style of 
narration. In his death, July 24, 1904, the society lost 
one of its most valuable members, and the city a citizen of 
acknowledged ability and honesty. 


Lucretia Lane, wife of Francis B. Eaton, came from 
one of the pioneer families of New Hampshire, her pater- 
nal grandfather being John Lane, who had for his wife, 
Hannah Godfrey, of Fremont, and her maternal grand- 
father, Col. Nathaniel Emerson, who did valiant service 
under Stark, at Bennington. 

Her father was John Lane and her mother Nabby 
Emerson, both descendants of a long line of God-fearing 
men and women. 

Lucretia, being the youngest in a family of one son 
and five daughters and of delicate health, was the object of 
special solicitude and affection from all the others, and this 
made her latter years peculiarly lonely to her, the last sur- 
vivor of her family. 

She received such education as the common schools 
and an occasional high school of her town could give, sup- 
plemented by a course at Henniker Academy, then for sev- 
eral terms was a successful teacher in Candia and Deer- 
field. But teaching was sore discipline to one of her retir- 
ing nature, and it was not long continued. 

A friendship with Mr. Eaton, begun in early youth, 
culminated, January 1, 1854, in a union which continued 
for over fifty years in such love and devotion as is rarely 


known in these days. Without children of their own, they 
made many little ones happy and their home was one of 
charming hospitality to young and old. 

Mrs. Eaton was passionately fond of all things beauti- 
ful. The birds and the flowers and everything in nature 
strongly appealed to her and the exquisite taste she dis- 
played in every detail of the furnishing of her home, and 
in dress, was a distinct contribution to art. Refined, sweet 
manners, excellent good sense, and genuine old-time cour- 
tesy and kindliness shown to every one she met character- 
ized this quiet gentlewoman. 

Not far-famed or noted in public her greatest charm 
was shown in her devotion and loyalty to a large circle of 
friends, each one of whom held a warm place in her affec- 
tion and for whom she had constant solicitude. 

Her extremely quiet life was yet one of strong influ- 
ence for the best and distinctly in sympathy with Christ 
and His cause, though she never became a member of any 
church. She believed, as the result of the teaching she 
received in early life, that to be openly a Christian one 
must have a powerful conviction of sin and a great over- 
turning of heart and life, and this she never experienced. 
But her strong trust in God shone forth most brightly 
in her last years, when, left alone in widowhood, she forgot 
herself in trying to make others happy and lived cheerfully 
and without complaint the remaining days. 

She survived Mr. Eaton three and one-half years, and, 
in her sudden falling asleep after only a day's slight illness, 
her oft-expressed wish that she might not live to be long a 
burden to others was gratified. She died November 14, 
1907, on the threshold of her eightieth birthday, having 
been born November 13, 1828. 




The Harveys are among the oldest and most respected 
families in New England. John, the great-great-grandfather 
of the subject of this Memoir, came to Newburyport 
about 1743 as captain of an English frigate, to guard the 
mouth of the Merrimack River during the troublesome 
period of war with France. His family came with him, 
consisting of a wife and three sons, John, Enoch and Wil- 
liam. Later Captain Harvey was ordered to Cuba with 
his vessel, to participate in the struggle with Spain, and 
was killed in a naval encounter in front of Morro Castle, 

The sons remained in Newburyport awhile with their 
mother, and after her decease moved into the interior of 
the country. Enoch went to Vermont, after the Revolu- 
tion; William founded him a home, above Concord, near 
Sutton. John, the oldest, settled in that part of London- 
derry which was included in the charter of Derryfield, and 
his name appears among the first in the old records. 

He had a son, John, and, accompanying him on a trip 
to Lower Canada, now the Province of Quebec, while stop- 
ping at Shipton, was seized with smallpox and died. His 
son returned to Derryfield where he lived the remainder of 
his life, and his dust sleeps in the Merrill yard. He mar- 
ried Abigail Nutting of Derryfield, and they had fifteen 
children, of whom the following lived to grow up: David, 
Jonas, Esther, John, Enoch, Jonathan, Zilpah, who married 
a Huntoon, Sally, who married David Stevens, and Susan, 
who became the wife of Ephraim Stevens. Of these chil- 
dren, David lived and died in Shipton, Can. 

Jonas Harvey, the second son and grandfather of 
Sallie, was born July 1, 1777, in Fisherfield, and came to 
Derryfield when a boy. He married Sallie Young and they 
had eight children: Gilman, born in May, 1803; John, born 
in May, 1805; Jonas, December 31, 1808; Sarah, 1810 


Mary, May I, 1813; Israel, February, 181 5; Ephraim S., 
May 21, 1817; Charles E., March 29, 1820. The mother 
died April 4, 1820, aged 39, and he married, about a year 
later daughter of Mrs. Rachel Cory, nee Dickey, and they 
had two children, Rachel and Rebecca. Mr. Harvey's 
second wife dying, he married Rachel McAllister. 

Sallie S. Harvey was born February 19, 1846, and died 
November 9, 1904, after a short illness, at her home, 423 
Concord street, Manchester. She obtained her education 
in the Harvey District school and the old Intermediate 
school on Manchester street, the house located where the 
police station now stands, and at the old high school on 
Lowell street. 

She lived with her brother, Cleaves N. Harvey, for 
many years. Of a sunny disposition, and a mind well 
stored with information upon varied subjects, she was a 
pleasant companion, always ready to assist in any good 
work, with the ability to do much. She was a member of 
the First Baptist church. Only the Sunday before her 
death, she was at church, apparently in perfect health and 
as active, wherever needed, as ever. Besides the brother 
mentioned, she left one sister, Mrs. Mary O. Pierce. The 
floral offerings at her funeral spoke in loving remembrance 
of a wide circle of friends who felt her loss. 


By Edwin F. Jones, in Proceedings of the N. H. Bar Association 

James Frankland Briggs was born in Bury, in Lan- 
cashire, England, on the twenty-third day of October, 1827. 
When he was less than two years of age, his parents, with 
their family, moved to America, landing at Boston, March 
4, 1829. After short stays at Andover, Saugus and Ames- 



bury, Mass., they finally settled in that part of Holderness 
which is now Ashland, in 1836. In this latter town, Mr. 
Briggs' father, in company with his two brothers, pur- 
chased a mill which was already located there, and em- 
barked in the business of manufacturing woolen cloth. 

Mr. Briggs received his early education in the public 
schools, and at the age of 14 attended one term at the 
Newbury, Vermont, Academy, and afterwards was a stu- 
dent at the academy at Tilton. 

In 1848 he entered upon the study of law in the office 
of William C. Thompson, but had hardly begun his studies 
when he was, for a time, by the death of his father, com- 
pelled to devote himself to work in the mills in order to 
carry on the business of the estate. However, at the end 
of a year he was enabled to enter the office of Joseph Bur- 
roughs, and subsequently completed his studies in the 
office of Judge Nehemiah Butler, at Boscawen. He was 
admitted to the bar in the spring of 185 1, and began the 
practice of his profession at Hillsborough Bridge, where 
he remained until 1871, when he removed to Manchester, 
which continued to be his home until his death. 

Until i860 Mr. Briggs was a member of the Demo- 
cratic party, and as a Democrat represented the town of 
Hillsborough in the legislature at the sessions of 1857, '58, 
and '59. In i860 he was nominated for councilor, but 
owing to his views upon the subject of slavery he was com- 
pelled to decline the honor and soon after associated him- 
self with the Republican party, with which he was subse- 
quently continuously connected. 

When the Eleventh Regiment of New Hampshire 
Volunteers was raised, Mr. Briggs was commissioned quar- 
termaster, and was with that command at the battle of 
Fredericksburg, and also took part in the Mississippi cam- 
paign, resulting in the capture of Vicksburg. Owing to 
ill health, caused by malaria, he was honorably discharged 
from the service in August, 1863. 

After his removal to Manchester he associated himself 
in practice with Henry H. Huse, and the firm of Briggs & 


Huse for a number of years did a very large and profitable 
business. He served as city solicitor of Manchester, and 
in 1874 was elected to the state House of Representatives 
from Ward 3, in which he lived, and two years later was 
elected a member of the state Senate and also a member 
of the constitutional convention. In 1877 he was nomi- 
nated and elected to Congress from the second district, 
and was twice re-elected to that office. While in Congress 
he served upon important committees, including the judi- 
ciary, and after six years of service in the National House 
he declined a fourth nomination and returned to Manches- 
ter to resume the practice of law. Subsequently he was a 
member of the state House of Representatives in 1883, 
1 891 and 1897, in the latter year being speaker. He was 
also a member of the constitutional convention of 1889 
and 1902. 

During the last dozen years of his life he gradually- 
dropped out of the active practice of law, but was con- 
nected with various manufacturing corporations and finan- 
cial institutions as director and legal advisor. 

Major Briggs was a Mason, a member of the Grand 
Army of the Republic and the Loyal Legion of America, 
and in his religious tendencies was liberal and an attend- 
ant at the Unitarian Church. 

In 1850 he married Roxanna Smith, the daughter of 
Obadiah and Eliza M. Smith of New Hampton, who died 
January 25, 1888. They had three children, of whom a son 
and daughter are now living. The former, Frank O. 
Briggs, is a graduate of West Point Military Academy, 
and is now a resident of Trenton, N. J., being prominent 
both in business and political circles. The other surviv- 
ing child is Mrs. D. Dudley Felton of Manchester. Two 
grandchildren, Frankland Briggs, an attorney at law of 
Newark, N. J., and James Briggs Felton, a student at Yale 
College, also survive him. 

Mr. Briggs was one of the state's great lawyers. He 
was a safe adviser, an honest counselor, a powerful advo- 


cate. He was thoroughly grounded in the fundamental 
principles, was familiar with the New Hampshire decisions 
and possessed a faculty of clear and accurate statement 
both of the law and the facts of a case such as is given to 
few men. He made his client's cause his own, and always 
gave to his argument a strong personal tone which added 
greatly to its effectiveness. In his argument he was force- 
ful, plausible, persuasive. He was particularly strong with 
the jury, and before legislative committees few lawyers 
could excel him. He did not know what it was to give 
up until the court of last resort had said that his case was 
hopeless. The harder the place in which he found himself 
the harder he fought. For many years he was one of the 
foremost public speakers of New Hampshire. He was not 
showy or brilliant iu his public addresses, but he had that 
to say which interested his audience, and he always was 
able to present it in a way which was illuminating and con- 
vincing. By those who knew him in the fullness of his 
strength, he was regarded as one of the giants in the pro- 
fessional and political life of New Hampshire for the three 
decades following 1865. 

He was a great lover of books and possessed a fine 
library, and during the latter years of his life it was a 
great pleasure to listen to his comments upon the men and 
affairs of the last half century. He was deeply interested 
in the work of the Manchester Historic Association and 
prepared a valuable paper upon Hon. James Wilson, which 
he read at one of its meetings, and which was published 
by the society in Vol. III. He died in his 78th year, Jan- 
uary 21, 1905, from causes ascribed to old age and fatigue, 
the latter resulting from a western trip taken in the 
autumn of the previous year. 



Isaac Clarence Whittemore was born in Manchester, 
December 2, 1847, an d died in this city, January 30, 1905. 
He was the son of Isaac and Lucy (Hall) Whittemore, 
He was educated in the public schools of this city and r 
upon becoming of age, entered the employ of the Con- 
cord Railroad in April, 1868, where he remained a little 
more than a year. For a few months he worked for S. C. 
Forsaith & Co. as engineer. Then he returned to the 
employ of the railroad company under Major Josiah Ste 
vens, in the yard and freight house. He continued here 
until July, 1871, when he went on the road as brakeman 
and spare freight conductor. 

In July, 1874, he was promoted to be a regular con- 
ductor, which position he held at the time of his death, 
having been on all the branches, but most of the time on 
the Concord and Portsmouth division. He was then one of 
the oldest freight conductors on the road. 

Mr. Whittemore married Lydia D. Jenkins of Bed- 
ford, May 28, 1873, who died September 20, 1880. He 
then married, June 1, 1882, Emily P. Clough, who sur- 
vives him. 

He was a member of Lafayette Lodge, A. F. and 
A. M.; a past High Priest of Mt. Horeb, R. A., chapter, 
Adoniram Council, R. and S. M.; Trinity Commandery, 
K. T., having been standard-bearer of the last-named body 
seven years. He was a 32d degree Mason. Mr. Whitte- 
more was also a member of Hillsborough Lodge, I. O. O. F., 
Mt. Washington Encampment and Grand Canton Ridgely, 
Social Lodge of Rebekahs, Amoskeag Grange, the Old 
Residents' Association, Order of Railway Conductors, and 
a charter member of Ruth Chapter, Order of the Eastern 

Strongly attracted to historical matters, he took a 
lively interest in the work of the Historic Association. 


Although identified with numerous fraternal orders, 
and the son of a politician, he always held aloof from pub- 
lic life and made his home the Mecca of the brief hours 
of leisure coming into a busy career. 


Daniel Joseph Daley was born in Londonderry, N. H., 
August i, 1873, the son of John and Julia Daley. He 
inherited the strong, determined will of his sturdy ances- 
try, awakened by an ambition that knew no bounds. His 
boyhood was passed upon his father's farm, his time alter- 
nated between his days at the district school and work at 
home. He attended Pinkerton Academy and, following 
his graduation, he entered upon the study of law. 

Taught early to depend upon himself, he was pecu- 
liarly fitted to overcome the obstacles besetting the student 
of limited means, and he passed through the various stages 
of acquiring his education to come out successful, as his 
friends expected. The hard work he willingly undertook 
to obtain the funds needed to meet the demands of his 
course of study taught him independence and courage to 
combat with the hindrances that beset the pathway of a 
young aspirant for a position in his chosen calling. 

He first read law in the office of United States Dis- 
trict Attorney Charles J. Hamblett of Nashua. He then 
entered the Boston University Law School, afterwards 
rounding out his studies in the office of former County 
Solicitor James P. Tuttle. He was admitted to the bar in 
1899, and he opened an office in Manchester. 

Possessing rare oratorical ability, and being a lively 
debater, he gave great promise in the profession of his 
choice. He was favorably associated with several impor- 


tant criminal trials, notably the Sells and Brigham cases,, 
and gave remarkable promise in this field. 

As a lawyer in civil cases, he had the confidence of 
several large corporations, and could he have lived he 
would certainly have reached a high position. 

He was frequently called upon as a speaker upon social 
occasions, and he possessed a wide circle of friends. He 
was Past Master of General Stark Grange, and a member 
in the Manchester Council, K. of C< 

He married, in 1903, Miss Josephine C. Burke, who 
survives him, as well as his mother and two brothers, John 
of Londonderry and James of Chelmsford, Mass. He 
died of pneumonia March 21, 1905, and his remains were 
laid at rest in St. Joseph's cemetery, his untimely death 
mourned by all who knew him. 


The Hubbards were among the oldest and most dis- 
tinguished families in early New England. Of these, one 
branch went to Connecticut while the other settled in the 
vicinity of Boston. Abel Hubbard, the grandfather of 
the subject of this Memoir, who was born October 5, 1779, 
and died November 3, 1852, lived in Brookline, Mass. He 
married Martha Winchester, born June 11, 1785, and died 
October 15, 1836. William Winchester, their son, was 
born in Brookline, August 8, 1819, and died in Manchester, 
N. H., April 28, 1907. He was a machinist and wood- 
worker in Boston, until he removed to this city in i860 and 
opened a wood manufacturing business at Winter Place, 
where he continued until retiring from active pursuits. 
He married Harriet Hoyt, the daughter of Charles Hoyt 
of Moultonborough, N. H. 



William Frank, the son of this couple, was born in 
Boston, March 6, 1843. Frank, as he was usually called, 
attended the public school of Boston, through the gram- 
mar grades, and graduated at the head of his class, while 
there was only one other to equal him in rank in all the 
schools of the city. He was given a medal of scholarship 
at his graduation, presented by the governor of the state, 

It was his wish to enter the high school of Boston, but 
his father required him to go to work in his shop. Still 
ambitious to acquire a higher education, Frank improved 
every opportunity to earn money to pay his expenses 
through college, accomplishing this purpose by working at 
civil engineering, teaching school and working in his 
father's factory until he had obtained the means to pay his 
expenses at Dartmouth, taking a four years' course, and 
graduating in the class of 1869. 

For various reasons he had taken a scientific instead 
of classical course at college, and though it had been his 
desire to follow a professional career, he was induced to 
enter the employ of his father as foreman of the manufac- 
tory, where he soon displayed great ability. In 1888 he 
bought out the business and continued it alone very suc- 
cessfully until his death, February 21, 1905.. Under his 
management, the business had grown, and by diligence 
and ability he had acquired a comfortable competence. In 
1894 he built him a nice residence on Elm street, where he 
lived with his family. He was a man to enjoy home life, 
preferring it to the clubs. 

A great reader, he was well informed on all topics, and 
though never accepting any office of public trust, he took 
a keen interest in passing events. He was a member of 
the Franklin-street church, and one of the earliest mem- 
bers of the Manchester Historic Association, being a reg- 
ular and interested attendant at its meetings. He was 
also a member of Manchester Art Association, having 
joined this society when it was in its infancy. 

He married, May 22, 1888, Myra Isabella Kelley, 
daughter of Daniel and Betsey (Richards) Kelley, of Chi- 


Chester. Her grandfather was Dr. Amasa Kelley, a grad- 
uate of Dartmouth Medical department, and her grand- 
mother was the daughter of Abraham Richards of Atkin- 
son, N. H. She had been educated at Pittsfield Academy 
and Manchester Training School, having taught schools in 
Ashburnham, Mass., two years and eight years in the 
schools ot this city before her marriage to Mr. Hubbard. 

While upon a trip to Pinehurst, N. C, for rest and 
recreation, accompanied by his wife, Mr. Hubbard con- 
tracted a sudden cold, which developed into acute bronchi- 
tis, and, after a week's illness, he passed from this life at 
Pinehurst on the morning of February 16, 1905, lamented 
by a wide circle of friends. 


The Chandlers have always been natural leaders in 
whatever community their fortunes happened to be cast. 
William Chandler, the first of the name to come to Amer- 
ica, settled in Roxbury, Mass., in 1637, and immediately 
became prominent in the development of the new planta- 
tion. His descendants participated in the border warfares, 
and one of them, John Chandler, fought throughout King 
Philip's War. He was rewarded for his meritorious service 
a grant of land in Narragansett No. 5, now Bedford, and 
hither his son Thomas emigrated in 1750. Here succeed- 
ing generations lived, improving the homestead hewn out 
of the wilderness by this sturdy pioneer, until Adam Chan- 
dler, who married Sallie McAllister, occupied the old 

Three sons, all worthy of their heritage, were born to 
this couple, Henry, George Byron and John M. The sec- 
ond of these robust boys, and the subject of this Memoir, 


passed his boyhood upon the farm, but his parents, anxious 
for him to follow some more lucrative calling than that of 
his immediate ancestors, gave him all of the school privi- 
leges possible in his native town, supplementing this with 
courses at Gilmanton, Hopkinton and Reed's Ferry Acad- 
emies. He taught school in Amoskeag, Bedford and 
Nashua, at the same time improving every opportunity to 
acquire information by reading and studying alone. When 
he was 17 he took up civil engineering for a year in the 
employ of the Concord Railroad. 

In 1854 he came to Manchester to enter the employ of 
Kidder & Duncklee as bookkeeper. After a year here he 
was offered a position of a similar nature in the Amoskeag 
Bank, when that institution was beginning to get a start. 
This was March 1, 1855, ar, d after eighteen months, so well 
had young Chandler fitted into his work, he was promoted 
to be teller, a position he occupied until the organization of 
the Amoskeag National Bank in 1864, when he was 
appointed cashier, holding this position until he was elected 
president, to succeed Hon. Moody Currier, in 1892. 

During the earlier period of Mr Chandler's connection 
with Amoskeag Bank it was located on Market street, in 
the rear of the present Manchester National Bank. John 
S. Kidder was president and Moody Currier cashier. 
Upon the organization of the People's Savings Bank in 
1874, Mr. Chandler was made its treasurer, a position he 
filled until his decease. He was also treasurer of the New 
Hampshire Fire Insurance Company, and one of its 
incorporators. He was a director in the Amoskeag Manu- 
facturing Company, in the Massachusetts Life Insurance 
Company, the Manchester and Lawrence Railroad, the 
Moline Plow Company and various other corporations and 
enterprises. In fact Mr. Chandler was a man of many 
sided influences for the good of the public. He was 
largely instrumental in securing the shoe industry for the 
city in its earlier stages and was generous in his assistance 
to the needy. 


He was a prominent factor in the organization of the 
New Hampshire Club, and his love for the arts and sci- 
ences led him to take a deep interest in the Manchester 
Institute of Arts and Sciences, and when that institution 
suffered so severely by the fire in the Kennard, where it 
was located, he did much toward its recovery from the 
blow. It was due entirely to Mr. Chandler's generous 
efforts that the lost paraphernalia was replaced, and the 
Chandler courses of lectures, which have afforded so much 
pleasure and instruction, came from his bounty. He was 
also one of the leading spirits and supporters of the Phil- 
harmonic Society. In truth, it would be difficult to find 
another person who has done as much as Mr. Chandler 
towards affording good, healthy entertainment for old and 
young. In this respect alone, Manchester owes much to 
his memory. 

Mr. Chandler was a member of the Royal Arch Chap- 
ter, Adoniram Council and Trinity Commandery, Knights 
Templar, joining the Lafayette Lodge of Masons in 1854, 
and transferred to the Washington Lodge in 1857, t0 
become its first secretary. He was a member of Wildey 
Lodge, I. O. O. F., and the Derryfield Club. He became 
a member of the Amoskeag Veterans in 1854, which year 
marked his coming to Manchester and organization of that 
body, of which he was an officer for several years. 

Active in political matters, he never sought an office, 
but was elected state senator in 1874, and later was the 
Democratic nominee for representative in Congress. 

He was an active member of the Unitarian Society, 
and served for years as one of its directors and president, 
giving liberally towards the support of the church. Pos- 
sessing a wide acquaintance with distinguished men, a stu- 
dent of the best literature and well-informed on a varied 
line of subjects, he was a pleasant conversationalist, and a 
delightful public speaker. 

Mr. Chandler married Miss Flora A. Daniels, daughter 
of Darwin J. Daniels, in 1862. Mrs. Chandler died in 1868, 



and one daughter born to them who survived her mother 
only a few months. In 1870 he was married second to 
Fanny R., daughter of Col. and Mrs. Benjamin F. Martin, 
and three children were born of this union, Benjamin M., 
Alexander R., and Byron, the first and last named, with 
their mother, surviving Mr. Chandler, who died June 29, 
1905, mourned by a wide circle of friends and relatives. 


Horace P. Simpson was born in York, Me., March 29, 
1829, and died in Manchester August 13, 1905, in his 77th 
year. He attended the town schools and worked on his 
father's farm until he was eighteen, when he came to Man- 
chester and began, in the dress room of the Amoskeag 
Manufacturing Company, a long career in the mills of this 

The manufacture of cotton cloth was then in its early 
stage, and with a liking for the work and faith in its results, 
Mr. Simpson rose step by step in advancement until, upon 
the building of the Jefferson, he was made superintendent 
of that mill. The importance of this position is more 
clearly understood when it is known that this mill for many 
years was a complete factory, taking the raw cotton and 
turning out finished cloth ready for shipment. 

With a keen interest in municipal and political affairs, 
Mr. Simpson held various offices of honor and responsi- 
bility. He was assessor during the war, being chairman 
of the board the last four years. He was alderman in 

It was largely through his efforts, while serving in the 
capacity of chairman of the Committee on Lands and 
Buildings, that the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company was 



persuaded to transfer the old school lot on the corner of 
Manchester and Chestnut streets to the city as the site for 
the present police station. He was representative to the 
state legislature from Ward 7 in 1881, and from Ward 8 in 
1891. Upon the creation of the Street and Park Commis- 
sion in 1895 a member, and in 1897 ne was made chair- 
man, a position he held at the time of his death, which 
resulted from a complication of diseases that finally under- 
mined a strong constitution. 

During his long term of office on the Street and Park 
Commission, much important work was done, and many of 
the improvements we are enjoying to-day were begun by 
him, under his direction. The streets were extended, 
Granite street bridge was built, the system of parks in- 
creased, the sewer system improved, and a practical system 
of permanent paving was adopted. He always maintained 
a great interest in the development of the city parks, and 
that one in McGregorville bearing his name became a 
memorial of his interest in the work of public improve- 

In this simple summary of a long and busy life, we 
cannot do better than to quote the words of another: 

"The high position which Mr. Simpson occupied in the 
industrial and administrative circles of the city was no 
greater than the sincere regard and respect which he held 
in the hearts of his fellow townsmen. A sturdy type of 
American manhood, active and faithful in all his works, 
but ever democratic and whole-hearted in his treatment of 
others, his personality was strong in the community and 
his death left a void that will not soon be filled." 



Ezra Huntington was born in Weare, N. H., March 
20, 1829. Upon the death of his father, when he was six 
years old, his mother moved to Lynn, Mass.; later she 
moved to Peabody, and in these two places Ezra passed his 
school days. With an aptitude for mechanics, he started 
in to learn a machinist's trade in Peabody, working there 
till he was twenty-one years of age. He then went to 
work on locomotives at Ballardvale and Andover, Mass. 

Locomotive engineering having a fascination for him, 
when the old New Hampshire Central railroad was built 
from Manchester to Henniker, he stood at the throttle of 
the first engine making a through trip on that line. 
When Superintendent Gilmore tore up the rails between 
North Weare and Henniker, he left the railroad and 
entered the employ of the Manchester Print Works, taking 
charge of the repair shop, where he remained for thirty 

For the next twenty-five years, he was foreman of the 
West Side boiler house of the Amoskeag Company, a posi- 
tion he held until the beginning of his last illness. 

Mr. Huntington came to Manchester to live in 1850, 
and the following year he married Miss Mehitable Bedge of 
Peabody, Mass. Three children were born to them, Alice, 
who married L. T. Mead, Miss Ella L., and Harvey Hunt- 
ington, all of whom are living. 

A loyal Republican in politics, his party elected him 
to many of the offices in the people's gift. He represent- 
ed his ward at the state capital, was alderman, councilman, 
and served on the school board. He was prominent in 
Masonic circles, being a member of Lafayette Lodge, Mt. 
Horeb Royal Arch Chapter, and Trinity Commandery, 
Knights Templar. He was also a 32d Degree Mason. 

He died after an illness of several weeks of rheuma- 
tism, February 27, 1906, missed by a wide circle of 
acquaintances who respected him for his courtesy and faith- 
ful discharge of his duties. 



Charles Winthrop Eager, the son of John Q. A. and 
Angelina Sanborn (Howe) Eager, was born in Webster, 
N. H., June 16, 1854, and died at his home in Manchester, 
April 7, 1906. His parents moving to this city when he 
was four years old, nearly all his life was passed here. His 
preliminary education was obtained in the public schools 
here, he graduating from the High School in 1873, fitted 
for college. He then entered Dartmouth College, to grad- 
uate in 1877. 

It was his original intention to follow the calling of a 
lawyer, and upon leaving college he entered as a student 
the law office of Henry E. Burnham, but a year later con- 
cluded he would change to a mercantile career. Accord- 
ingly he went to work in his father's grocery store, and in a 
few years he became a member of the firm, continuing in 
that capacity with his father until his decease. 

Mr. Eager, in his younger years, was active in politics, 
and held several offices of trust and honor. He repre- 
sented Ward 6 two sessions, and served on both branches 
of the city government. He was chairman of the alder- 
manic committee that had charge of the building of the 
McGregor bridge, in 1881. His interests in political mat- 
ters abating, as he grew older, he came to devote his time 
and energy to his business. 

He was possessed of a fine physique, and was always 
deeply interested in athletics, acquiring marked distinction 
in that respect while at college, rowing and walking being 
his special fortes. As well as a sportsman, Mr. Eager was 
a lover of good books, and he had a good critical knowl- 
edge of the best literature. He was an Odd Fellow, and 
belonged to the Derryfield Club, being at one time, 1883, 
its president. 

He married S. Jennie Williams, December 16, 1886, 
and his wife with three children, Harold Williams, Mil- 
died Howe and Helen Frances Eager, who has since died, 

" ■■■---—■ - - 



survived him. His last illness was a brave fight for life, 
aided by a strong constitution and an earnest will, but 
these, coupled with the best medical skill obtainable, failed, 
and he passed away in the prime of his life. 


Joseph Warren Fellows was the son of John and 
Polly (Hilton) Fellows, and he was born in Andover, N. H., 
January 15, 1835, on the homestead of Elijah Hilton, his 
maternal grandfather. He was the seventh in direct 
descent of Samuel Fellows, who came to this country from 
Bowden, Nottinghamshire, Eng. Samuel Fellows, the 
immigrant, was styled planter in the colonial records and 
was a man of means and influence. Joseph Fellows, his 
great-great-grandson and great-grandfather of the subject 
of this Memoir, served in the second expedition against 
Louisburg, and the powderhorn he carried on that mem- 
orable campaign was a highly prized heirloom among his 
descendants. This Joseph Fellows removed from Salis- 
bury to Andover, N. H., then known as New Breton, in 
1761, being the first settler, and for the first year he was 
the only inhabitant in that township. His son Stephen 
and grandson John were born and lived upon the farm he 
cleared from the wilderness. The ancestors of Mr. Fel- 
lows' mother, the Hiltons, came to New England about 
1700, to become active and influential throughout the 
troublesome period of colonial hardships. 

The boyhood of Joseph Warren Fellows was passed 
upon his father's farm, where he acquired the habit of 
industry and sobriety. He attended the district school, 
and fitted himself for college at the Andover Academy. 
He entered Dartmouth College in 1854, earning his way by 


teaching during vacations, and upon graduating in 1858 
became principal of Andover Academy, where he remained 
one year. In September, 1859, he went to Georgia to 
become principal of the Brownwood Institute at La Grange, 
which he left to become principal of Marietta, Ga., Latin 
School. But the ominous awakening of the Civil War was 
already disturbing the peace of the country, and the young 
pedagogue deemed it wise to abandon his position and 
return north. 

At this stage, he changed the course that had seemed 
mapped out for him and, instead of continuing his teach- 
ing, though he had been very successful, he began the 
study of law with John M. Shirley of his native town. He 
followed his studies here with a law course at the Albany 
Institute, from which he graduated in 1861. Upon being 
admitted to the bar in the New York state court, he 
returned to New Hampshire and entered the office of Pike 
and Barnard at Franklin, 1862. Remaining here a few 
months, he came to Manchester, was admitted to the 
supreme court of New Hampshire, and the following 
month formed a partnership with Amos B. Shattuck. 

Captain Shattuck had already enlisted for the war, and 
it was the plan that the young lawyer should take charge 
of the business until his return, when the partnership 
should be continued. But the former fell at the battle of 
Fredericksburg, December 13, 1862, and on January 1, 
1863, Mr. Fellows began practice alone in an office in Mer- 
chant's Exchange, where he remained for thirty years, one 
of the most successful lawyers in the state, and in addition 
to his extensive and successful general practice, he was 
clerk of Concord Railway from 1874 to 1884, and was its 
attorney and for the Concord and Montreal and Boston 
and Maine Railroads until his death. He made the law re- 
lating to corporations his special study, and was one of 
the most successful and careful corporation counsellors in 
the state. 

He was made judge of the police court in 1874, but 
e signed the following year, in July. While Judge Fellows 


was an ardent Democrat in politics and an active worker in 
his party, he never sought an office. Positive in his relig- 
ious beliefs, he was a staunch Unitarian, doing much for 
the upbuilding of that society. He was particularly zeal- 
ous in his efforts towards establishing the Unitarian grove 
meetings at the Weirs; was a charter member of the Uni- 
tarian Educational Society and a trustee of the Proctor 
Academy, the successor of the Andover Academy, where 
he prepared for college. He was one of the original 
grantees of the Gale Home, and served as its clerk from its 

Judge Fellows was always a prominent force at the 
meetings of the members of the state bar, never forgetting 
the dignity and importance of his association. It was his 
idea and purpose to build up at the courthouse a large law 
library, and did much towards the accomplishment of that 
plan. He was a member of the Independent Order of Odd 
Fellows, but never became very closely identified with its 
work. It was with the Masonic fraternity that he gave 
most of his time and mind. He became a member of the 
order in 1858, and step by step advanced through all of the 
grades, including the orders of Knighthood, and the 33d, 
and last, degree. He held many positions in the subordi- 
nate and Grand bodies of the fraternity; was Grand Com- 
mander of Knights Templar in the state of New Hamp- 
shire, Grand Lecturer of the Grand Lodge of Masons of 
New Hampshire, and for many years was a member of the 
law committee. He was a member of the Committee of 
Jurisprudence of the Grand Encampment of the United 
States. He gave the same thought and diligent attention 
to Masonic matters that he did to the law, and was the 
author of many reports of careful and logical reasoning 
which exerted significant influence over the deliberations 
of the body. He was one of the most active promoters of 
the movement which gave the fraternity the beautiful 
Masonic Home in this city. He was chairman of its board 
of trustees. Deeply interested in historical affairs, he was 


an interested and valuable member of the Manchester 
Historic Association, and was its vice-president for several 
terms. He prepared a life sketch of Hon. George W. Mor- 
rison for Vol. Ill of the society's Historic Collections. 

As well as prominent in professional, political and 
Masonic circles, Judge Fellows was a loyal son of Dart- 
mouth and a devoted and zealous member of his class 
which contained several names of wide and highly eminent 
distinction. He was chairman of the committees which 
arranged for the fortieth anniversary at Hanover, forty-fifth 
at Boston, was on the committee to prepare for the fiftieth, 
which was held at Hanover in 1908, though he had passed 
into the Great Beyond at the time it was held. An edito- 
rial in the Union, summing up his character, says most 

"Judge Fellows was of the type of men who take life 
most seriously. His classmates in college recognized this 
trait of character in his youth. He entered in this spirit of 
seriousness upon the profession of a teacher, and when the 
situation in the South, where he was already achieving suc- 
cess, radically changed his plans, he returned and entered 
upon the profession of the law with the same earnestness 
and seriousness of purpose. From the first he felt that 
his clients were entitled to the best that he could bring to 
their service, and throughout all of his long career they 
had it without reserve. The same earnestness character- 
ized him in all of his relations." 

Judge Fellows married, in 1865, Susan Frances Moore, 
daughter of Henry E. and Susan (Farnum) Moore. She 
died in 1874, and in 1878 he married Mrs. Elizabeth B. 
Davis who survives him. Judge Fellows died after a short 
illness from a cold, which developed into a lung trouble, 
April 26, 1906, in his 72d year, apparently endowed with 
sufficient strength to meet the demands of several years 




Henry Walker Herrick was born in Hopkinton, N. H., 
August 23, 1824, the son of Israel E. and Martha (Trow) 
Herrick. He was educated in the common schools and at 
Hancock Academy. At an early stage in his life, he began 
to show an aptitude for drawing, and his mother, who had 
considerable talent in that direction, encouraged him and 
at the early age of eight taught him to paint flowers, birds 
and other natural objects. While a youth in his teens, he 
became interested in wood engraving, and studied the art 
for two years, when he was able to find employment in 
Concord and Manchester. At the age of twenty he went 
to New York to take a course of study at the National 
Academy of Design. 

So rapidly did he advance that within six months he 
began book engraving for the Appletons, also executing 
commissions for Harper Bros., The American Tract Soci- 
ety, Carter & Bros., and other leading houses of that day. 
Mr. Herrick for several years worked largely on the de- 
signs of Felix O. C. Darley, then the leading American 
artist in genere pictures. The impressions he thus obtained 
was noticeable throughout his later work. 

In 1852 the School of Design for Women was started 
by George L. Schuyler, grandson of Gen. Philip Schuyler, 
of Revolutionary fame, and Mary Hamilton, granddaugh- 
ter of Alexander Hamilton, at the corner of Broadway 
and Broome street, New York. Miss Cordelia Chase, 
of Hopkinton, was made its principal, and he was 
invited to become a teacher in this school, through the 
recommendation of Benson J. Lossing, the noted artist 
and historian. Mr. Herrick remained in that important 
position for four years and then two years as principal, and 
until its union with Cooper Institute. His praisworthy 
career here is quite fully described by one of his pupils in 
this volume. He was then given an invitation to assume 


charge of the art department of Yale College, but he de- 
clined this offer to continue his work of wood engraving 
for prominent New York houses, the American Bank Note 
Company, and others, among them redrawing designs for 
the Imperial Bank of Russia. 

After twenty-one years in New York, he returned to 
Manchester in 1865, though he continued to work as 
designer and engraver for firms in New York and Boston. 
He executed the illustrations for the handsome volume of 
yEsop's Fables, published by Hurd & Houghton. He did 
some of his best work for Prang in his drawing of birds, 
which in natural pose and color have not been excelled. 
In his maturer years, he turned more especially to land- 
scape pictures and water colors, producing work of a high 
class. The scenery about Manchester afforded inspiration 
for some of his best work, so in a double sense he was an 
artist of local associations but with a national reputation. 
He encouraged art at home in every way possible, and was 
one of the founders of the Art Association. He fre- 
quently gave free lectures upon art and never seemed hap- 
pier than when he was assisting some struggling young 
artist. Still, if thoroughly imbued with the spirit of his 
profession, it did not make him less approachable and 
enjoyable as a companion. Possessing an independent 
character and a perseverance that never lagged until within 
a few days before he was called upon to enter that higher 
life, he was always the courteous, unobtrusive, kind-hearted 
gentleman of the old school. 

He had exhibited pictures in oil and water color in the 
Academy of Design, in the American Water Color Society, 
in the Boston Art Club, and at the Centennial exhibition 
in Philadelphia, 1876, studies from the life of Gen. John 
Stark, a favorite subject. He was the author of "Water 
Color Painting," a standard work, and had a revised copy 
of the work ready for the printer at the time of his 
decease. For a long time he was the only resident artist 
in the city, and Manchester was honored by his presence. 


Mr. Herrick was a member of the First Congregational 
church and devoted much time to mission work. He was 
an active member of the Manchester Historic Association, 
and for four years served as its president, doing all in his 
power towards promoting the growth of the society in its 
infancy. Four pictures in oil painted by him hang on its 
walls, in remembrance of him. These show the old and 
the new warship "Kearsarge," with portraits of Rear 
Admiral John Ancrum Winslow and Capt. James B. Thorn- 
ton in command. 

Mr. Herrick married, in 1849, Miss Clarisa Parkinson of 
New Boston, who died August 16, 1902, at their home in 
Manchester. Three sons were born to them: Allen E., 
Robert R. and Henry A., all of whom are respected 


The American ancestor of the family of Fitts was 
Robert, who, with his wife, Grace D., came from Fitzford, 
Devon county, England, and was among the original set- 
tlers of Salisbury, Mass., in 1638, tradition says three years 
earlier. He died in Ipswich, May 9, 1665, leaving a son, 
Abraham, besides his widow. 

The New Hampshire branch begins with Richard 
Fitts, second generation from Robert, who married March 
18, 1694-5, Sarah Thorne. His descendants settled at 
South Hampton, Sandown, Chester and Candia, N. H., 
always in the van of pioneers, as the new country was 
opened up. Abraham of the fifth generation settled in 
Candia, having married in Chester, Dorothy Hall. He fol- 
lowed the occupation of a blacksmith, and he was a steady, 
intelligent citizen. 


Frank Wallace Fitts was the son of Isaac and Ann M. 
(Shackford) Fitts of the sixth generation. He was born in 
Piscataquog Village, then a part of Bedford. Educated in 
the public schools of Manchester, in 1872 he opened a store 
in one-half of the building which became well known under 
his trade name of The Little Five. At first the postoffice 
was kept in the other part of the building, but offering the 
owners more rent than the government cared to pay, he came 
into the occupancy of the whole building. Here his busi- 
ness grew and prospered for many years, until he moved 
into a store fitted up for him in Merchant's Exchange, 
where he was in business at the time of his sudden death 
from heart trouble, August 22, 1906. Thus he had been 
in constant business for thirty-four years and, though only 
sixty at the time of his decease, had outlived all but three 
or four who were in trade when he began. 

Mr. Fitts married, October 17, 1871, Miss Sarah J. 
Abbott, daughter of Jeremiah and Elizabeth Campbell of 
Wilton. She, with two children, William L., of Portland, 
Me. y and Mariana, at home, survives him. 


The son of Ephraim K. and Amanda (Davis) Rowell, 
Roland Rowell was born on February 22, 1849, and died 
November 15, 1906. He was educated in the Manchester 
schools and, upon his graduation from the High School in 
1867, he entered the Union office, where he learned the 
printer's trade. After five years of service, he began the 
study of law in the office of Morrison & Stanley. He was 
admitted to the New Hampshire bar in 1876. 

Living in the midst of an exciting political period, and 
an ardent Democrat, he became active in municipal affairs. 


He was clerk of the police court, when Judge J. W. Fel- 
lows was at its head, and he was clerk of the common 

Mr. Rowell removed to Boston in 1882, where he 
remained for about a year, following which he went to 
Chicago for a shorter period. He then returned to New 
England, locating in Lowell. For nine years he worked on 
the Lowell Times, published by George A. Hanscom and 
James L. Campbell, who had sold out the Manchester 
Union Democrat and removed to that city. 

In 1892, upon the death of his father, Mr. Rowell 
returned to Manchester to devote his time to looking after 
his real estate interests. Interested in historical matters, 
he was a valued member of the Manchester Historic Asso- 
ciation, serving for three years on the Publication Com- 
mittee and one as Librarian. His paper upon the Stark 
Farm has been frequently consulted. 

He was an Episcopalian in religious belief, and be- 
longed to several fraternal bodies. He was a member of 
Edward A. Raymond Consistory, of Nashua; Kilkenny 
Lodge, A. F. and A. M., of Lowell; Mount Horeb Royal 
Arch Chapter, No. 11, of this city; Adoniram Council, 
R. and S. M.; Trinity Commandery; Aleppo Temple, 
N. O. M. S., of Boston; Past Chancellor of Merrimack 
Lodge, K. of P., and Past Noble Grand of Highland 
Lodge, I. O. O. F., of Lowell. He was a member of the 
Sons of the Revolution, and the New Hampshire Bar 

He married, in 1885, Miss Susan Crosby of Albion, 
Me., a teacher in the public schools of Manchester, who 
survives him, as well as a brother, Charles Rowell, who 
lives on the old farm on the River road. 



Born in Taunton, Mass., May 21, 1834, Mr. Tanswell 
came to Manchester, when he was fourteen years old, and 
lived here until his death, July 26, 1906. He worked for 
the Manchester Print Works from 1848 to 185 1, when he 
became a clerk in the dry goods store of Samuel Jackson 
& Co. Remaining in this employment five years, he then 
accepted a position in a large dry goods establishment in 
Boston, where he stayed until i860. He then returned to 
Manchester and entered the employ of Jackson & Kimball. 

Having by this time obtained a thorough knowledge 
of the business, in 1870 he opened a small store in Music 
Hall building. From this modest beginning, by persever- 
ance, strict integrity and enterprise, he enlarged his busi- 
ness, until in 1876 he moved to 39 Hanover street, where 
he continued in active mercantile pursuits until his retire- 
ment on March 4, 1904. 

Though active in political circles, he was of a retir- 
ing, conservative nature. He represented his ward in the 
state legislature of 1876 and 1877. He was an attendant 
at the Franklin-street Congregational church and was a 
contributor to charity. 

His entire career was marked by strict probity, and he 
enjoyed in full measure the confidence of the public. For 
many years the sign of The Golden Star hanging above 
the entrance to his store in Masonic Temple was a noted 
symbol of business. 

He married Lydia White of Deerfield, who survives 


John Anthony Barker was fortunate in having had the 
country for his birthplace. It is there the freeman is nur- 


tured, and from thence have come the strongest of our 
thinkers and leaders of men. A native of Landaff, this 
state, he passed his early boyhood on his father's farm, 
coming to Manchester with his parents when he was eight 
years old. Five years later he was at work in the mills, 
where he remained until he was nineteen. 

At this time the alarm of war spread over the country 
and he enlisted May 20, 1861, in Company C of the Sec- 
ond New Hampshire Volunteers, seeing his share of active 
duty. He was in the first battle of Bull Run, to be cap- 
tured by the Confederates and sent to Libbey prison. 
After eight weeks of life at this noted prison pen, he was 
transferred to the old Parish prison in New Orleans. 
From there he was removed to Salisbury, N. C, where he 
was exchanged and returned to his regiment. A year had 
transpired since his enlistment, and in February, 1863, he 
was made a corporal. He was with his regiment in the 
midst of battle at Gettysburg, and on the second day he 
was struck on the head by a piece of shell, which com- 
pletely disabled him from further service. In fact, his 
wound was of a most serious nature, fracturing and 
depressing the occipital bone to the extent of two inches 
square. After nearly a year in the hospitals he was honor- 
ably discharged. He bore the mark of his wound and suf- 
fered from its effects as long as he lived. 

Following the close of the war, he was employed by 
the government for a year to protect public property in 
Nashville, Tenn. At the conclusion of this duty, he 
returned to Manchester, and was engaged in various posi- 
tions until 1870, when he was chosen city messenger. This 
office he held, with satisfaction to all, for thirty-two years, 
or until failing health compelled him to resign. 

John Barker's experience in the war had been of the 
kind that might well have been expected to cool the ardor 
of any one in whom the military instinct was not para- 
mount. It had just the opposite effect on him. He 
became a member of an infantry militia organization upon 


his return and remained with it two years. Then the First 
Light Battery was organized, and, although he was offered 
a commission in the infantry service, he refused it and 
became one of the original members of the present artil- 
lery organization. He was the last of the original mem- 
bers to leave it. 

Captain Barker became a member of the Battery, May 
19, 1867. O n June 4, 1873, he got his first promotion, 
being made corporal. He was made sergeant on May 1, 
1879. Then came the second lieutenancy, on June 11, 
1894. He was brevetted captain on December 16, 1901. 

Whatever he undertook, Captain Barker performed 
with all his heart, and his association with the battery was 
marked with his characteristic fidelity, until the time 
arrived when declining health compelled him to retire 
from active duty. On the evening of February 18, 1902, 
the entire command met to bid good-bye to their old com- 
rade, and presented him with a sword and a copy of the 
reso utions. The ladies were present, and it was an occa- 
sion to be remembered as long as one of its participants 
shall live. 

He was a member of Wildey Lodge of Odd Fellows, 
the Knights and Ladies of Honor, and the New England 
Order of Protection. His greatest interest, however, lay 
in his veteran organizations. He was a member of Louis 
Bell Post, G. A. R., of the Manchester War Veterans, and 
of the Union Veterans' Union. Of social organizations, 
he was connected with the East Manchester Veteran Fire- 
men's Association and the Manchester Turnverein. 

He was a son of Samuel and Sarah (Jackson) Barker, 
born May 1, 1842, and he died September 23, 1907, the last 
of seven children, five boys and two girls. 

He married, December 4, 1869, Maria P. Towne, of 
Manchester, who, with two children, a son, Dick Barker, 
and a daughter, Mrs. Ella Barker Davis, survive him. 
Another daughter died in infancy. 

As late as September 6, he invited the members of 
the city government to visit him at his camp on the bank 



Mr. Morgan was born in Lyndon, Vt., October 26, 
1838, and died in Manchester, N. H., January 5, 1909. He 
received the advantages of such school education as usually 
fell to the lot of country children at that period. When 
fourteen years old he went to New York city, where he 
learned stencil cutting, following this trade as the principal 
occupation of his life, at the time of his decease being in 
business in this city. 

During the Civil War, he served in the First Vermont 
Heavy Artillery, a regiment originally recruited as an 
infantry command, but transferred to the other branch of 
the army. He was largely employed on detail service at 
regimental and brigade headquarters, and acted as quarter- 
master and in other capacities higher than the rank of 
corporal conferred upon him. Both in the service of his 
country and in every day life he was always sincere and 
faithful in his endeavors. 

He was a charter member of Chamberlin Post, No. 1, 
G. A. R., of St. Johnsbury, Vt.; a member of the Ver- 
mont Association of this city, and of Amoskeag Grange, 
P. of H. 

A great reader, with a very retentive memory, and 
considerable of a traveler, Mr. Morgan was a very enjoy- 
able companion, cheerful and kindly. He never married, 
and left only distant relatives. 


Adoniram Judson Lane was born in Deerfield, Octo- 
ber 30, 1835, the son of Joshua and Jane Lane. His par- 
ents removed to this city in 1841, and soon after this he 


began to earn his own living by selling papers and doing 
chores. At thirteen he went to work in the mills, but four 
years later he secured a position as grocery clerk. He 
then engaged in that business in company with his brother, 
the late Thomas A. Lane. Later he tried the wholesale 
business of fruits and produce, and afterwards went into 
furniture. Meeting with reverses here, he finally aban- 
doned it, though he subsequently paid his creditors in 

In 1871 he opened a real estate office in the Globe 
block on Hanover street, being a pioneer in that business. 
It was almost a month before he effected his first sale but, 
once established, the undertaking proved very successful. 
To his real estate operations, he added fire insurance, 
brokerage and the placing of loans. As his business 
increased in volume, he moved successively to offices in 
the Riddle building, the Opera House block, the old north 
store of the city hall and, lastly, to the commodious quar- 
ters in the Tewksbury block, Elm street, where the Com- 
monwealth Bank had formerly been located, which office he 
was occupying at the time of his death, January 12, 1909. 

Mr. Lane's long experience, wide knowledge and 
sound judgment him an acknowledged authority on real 
estate values, not only in Manchester but in the surrounding 
country. An enormous aggregate of business was trans- 
acted by his agency. He accumulated, also, records of 
great value, among them being complete data of all real 
estate transactions in the city for a period covering many 

His most notable undertaking was in connection with 
the disposal, in residential lots, of the famous Isles of 
Shoals, off Portsmouth, and for many years the property 
of the Laighton family. 

Mr. Lane was an attendant at the Universalist church; 
a member of the Lafayette Lodge, Mount Horeb Chapter, 
Royal Arch Masons; Adoniram Council and Trinity Com- 
mandery, Knights Templar; a member and Treasurer of 


the Old Residents' Association. He was a member of 
Bektash Temple, Mystic Shrine. 

He married Myra W. Aldrich of Lakeport, who sur- 
vives him. 


Alonzo Elliott was the only son and the second and 
younger child of Albert and Adeline Waterman (Black- 
burn) Elliott, and was born in Augusta, Me., July 25, 1849. 
At the age of eight years, he was taken by his parents to 
Sanbornton Bridge (now Tilton), where he was educated in 
the common schools and later at the New Hampshire Con- 
ference Seminary. 

At the age of fourteen years, he became clerk in a 
country store at Tilton and later went to Colebrook, Coos 
county. Thence he changed to Wentworth, where he con- 
tinued in the same line of business until September, 1869, 
when he secured the position of telegraph operator and 
ticket seller in this city, on the Concord and the Manches- 
ter and Lawrence Railroads. He succeeded to the posi- 
tion of ticket agent in 1870. 

Here he became known as the most expert ticket 
seller and one of the ablest telegraphers on the line. He 
held this position until 1893, when he resigned in order to 
engage in the banking and insurance business. His insur- 
ance business became very extensive, his agency represent- 
ing some twenty-five leading fire, life, and accident insur- 
ance companies. He continued in this line until 1896, in 
the winter of which he was thrown from a sleigh and so 
severely injured that he was unable to attend to business 
for a year and at this time sold his insurance business and 
relieved himself from all possible cares. 


Mr. Elliott was the organizer and one of the incorpo- 
rators of the Granite State Trust Company, subsequently 
known as the Bank of New England, of which he was the 
treasurer, and which went out of business in 1898. He 
was president of the Manchester Electric Light Company, 
and a trustee and one of the organizers of the Guaranty 
Savings Bank. 

In 1907, he was the vice-president, director and clerk 
of the People's Gas Light Company, was secretary of the 
Citizens' Building and Loan Association, and was a director 
of the Garvin's Falls Power Company. He secured the 
funds to build the first electric light plant in Manchester. 

Mr. Elliott organized the Elliott Manufacturing Com- 
pany, makers of knit goods, having a capital of $150,000 
and employing 500 operatives, was its first treasurer, and 
at the time of his death was its vice-president. 

He had been actively engaged in other business organ 
izations, and through his ability to secure the necessary 
capital had brought to Manchester many of its most im- 
portant industrial enterprises, including the F. M. Hoyt, 
the Eureka, Cohas, East Side, of which he was president, 
and West Side Shoe Companies, and the Kimball Carriage 

Mr. Elliott was treasurer and director of the Pacific 
Coal and Transportation Company, which owns large coal 
deposits at Cape Lisbon, Alaska, and also the steamer 
Corvvin, which was the first vessel to arrive and deliver the 
the United States mail at Nome in the spring for several 
years. This was a great event in that section, and was 
also considered of importance in the annals of steamboat- 
ing and the steamship world. 

In the last two years, Mr. Elliott had conducted a 
brokerage orifice on Hanover street, north of the opera 
house entrance. 

In company with the late Governor James A. Weston 
and the late John B. Varick, Mr. Elliott owned the valu- 
able hotel property known as the Manchester House. 


Mr. Elliott was a tireless and persistent worker, and 
his labors and influence contributed much in making Man- 
chester's business what it has become. Being identified 
to such a large degree with the trade and industrial situ- 
ation in this city, Mr. Elliott was one of the most enthusi 
astic members of the Manchester Board of Trade, and in 
the last few years had served as the president of this 

An Independent Democrat in politics, he believed in 
certain changes in the policy of state government, and 
unable to influence either of the old-time parties to declare 
upon the issues that he upheld, he ran as an independent 
candidate in 1892 for governor. 

He became a member of Washington Lodge, No. 61, 
Masons, Manchester, and was also a member of Mt. Horeb, 
Royal Arch Chapter, No. 1 1 ; Trinity Commandery, Knights 
Templar, Bektash Temple, Ancient and Arabic Order 
of the Mystic Shrine, and charter Member of the Derry- 
field Club, He attended the Unitarian church. 

After a long and painful illness, Mr. Elliott died at his 
beautiful residence in Manchester "Brookhurst," which for 
several years had been occupied by himself and his family, 
and which was built on the North River road in 1893. 
The estate surrounding the house includes a part of the 
original historic Stark farm, which belonged to Gen. John 
Stark of Revolutionary fame, comprising eight acres, and 
commanding a beautiful view of the valley of the Merri- 

Mr. Elliott married, in 1873, Ella R. Weston, daugh 
ter of Mr. Amos J. Weston, and niece of former Governor 
Weston. Mrs. Elliott died in 1876, at the age of twenty- 
three years. In 1878 Mr. Elliott married Medora Weeks, 
daughter of Mr. and Mrs. George W. Weeks. Four chil 
dren blessed this union, Lucille Weeks, who married Harry 
Gilman Clough, Laura Medora, Mildred and Alonzo, Jr. 



Colonel Shirley died at his home, on Shirley Hill, May 
17, 1909, in his 74th year. He was the son of Robert M. 
and Sophronia McCutchins Shirley, and always resided in 
Goffstown. Of striking presence and genial manners, he 
was widely known and respected. Deeply interested in 
agricultural matters, he was one of the foremost figures in 
the management of New England and New Hampshire 
agricultural societies. He was associated in these organ, 
izations with ex-Gov. Frederick Smyth and Col. George 
W. Riddle. Colonel Shirley was always marshal of the 
big parade, one of the leading features of the fairs in 

An ardent Republican, he was prominent in the coun- 
cils of the party, and won his commission on the staff of 
Gov. P. C. Cheney. For many years he was president of 
the Manchester and North Weare Railroad, and was the 
promoter of the carriage road to the summit of the Unca- 
noonuc Mountain, which paved the way for the incline 

He married, in 1862, Miss Amanda Baldwin, who sur- 
vives him. He left a son, Robert L., and two daughters, 
Mrs. Arthur Griffin of Maiden, Mass., and Mrs. Philip L. 
Marden of Lowell, Mass. 


Mr. Eastman was born in South Weare, in May, 1849, 
and died in Manchester, November 29, 1909. He was the 
son of Daniel B. and Mary A. Eastman. When he was a 
year old, his parents moved to West Manchester, where 
they lived in a small house, which is still standing near the 


North Weare Railroad. His father was a man of good 
business capacity and, investing early in real estate, he 
acquired a handsome competency before he died. 

Inheriting the shrewd business qualities of his father, 
George Eastman went into the manufacture of carriages 
in 1877, combining with this dealings in real estate. He 
was a pioneer in building homes for poorer people on the 
installment plan, in five years building over fifty of these 
houses. In 1898, he closed his carriage manufacturing and 
devoted all his time to the care of his real estate holdings. 

A staunch Democrat in political faith, he represented 
Ward 8 in the state legislature in 1882 and 1884, and in 
1886 he was elected senator, the only Democrat ever 
elected from that district, which proves his popularity. 
He never joined any secret society, but he belonged to the 
Derryfield Club and the Manchester Historic Association. 

He married, on January 1, 1877, Miss Jennie Riddle 
Goffe, who survives him, and also his aged mother. He 
built in 1887 tne handsome house at the corner of Main 
and Parker streets, where he lived until his death. 


George Franklin, son of George and Hannah (Wright) 
Laird, was born in Tyngsboro, Mass., May 22, 1848. He 
was but fifteen years of age when he enlisted with the 
Sixth Massachusetts Regiment, and he served out his time 
and received an honorable discharge. 

He learned the trade of brick laying in his early life, 
and followed that occupation during the remainder of his 
days. He came to Manchester in 1870, and, barring three 
years when he served on the Manchester police force, 
under both City Marshals Melvin J. Jenkins and Horatio 
Longa, he was in the contracting business all the time. 


He was associated with Charles A. Merrill since 1880, 
and was identified with the erection of many Manchester 
buildings, many of them being among the best-known 
structures in the place. He did all the brick work of the 
old Kennard block for Samuel Mead. The Kennard was 
the six-story affair which was destroyed by a fire several 
years ago. He also laid the brick for the Bedford block on 
Elm street, and for the Smith and Dow flats and Dunlap 
block, also on Elm street. Other buildings which Mr. 
Laird's firm was instrumental in erecting were the Charles 
A. Morrill residence at the North End, the Noah S. Clark 
home on North Elm Street, the Weston, Hill and Fitts 
block, and the Boston & Maine roundhouse. These are 
but a few of the structures that bear evidence of Mr. 
Laird's industry. 

He was a member of Lafayette Lodge, F. and A. M.; 
of Mt. Horeb Chapter, Adoniram Council, Trinity Com- 
mandery, Knights Templar, and was a 32d degree Mason, 
under the New Hampshire Consistory. Besides, he was a 
member of Aleppo Temple, Mystic Shriners, of Boston. 
He was an active member of Louis Bell Post, and was con- 
spicuously prompt in his attendance at the meetings of the 

Mr. Laird was a man of striking physique, and for 
that reason was a figure in Manchester not easily to be 
forgotten. He stood six feet and five inches in his stock- 
iug feet, and at one time weighed two hundred and eighty 
pounds. When on the police force, he made a most 
impressive appearance in uniform, and was the subject of 
comment by strangers visiting the city. 

He married Marion Rowell, April 8, 1892, who sur- 
vives him. He died of heart disease, Decembe r8, 1909. 
He was an interested member of this society, and a notice- 
able figure upon our streets. 



Manchester lost one of its oldest and most respected 
citizens in the death of Orrin E. Kimball, October 3, 1909, 
in his 76th year. He came to this city in 1839, from 
Dracut, Mass., when he was six years old, so that he was 
educated in the local schools, and before he was twenty-one 
he had entered upon a mercantile career, being actively 
engaged in the leather business until his decease. For a 
long period he was a senior member of the firm of Kimball 
and Gerrish, but in later years this became Kimball and 
Brown. The company had a tannery at South Manchester 
and leather works on Elm street, just north of Bridge. 

Mr. Kimball was deeply interested in the development 
of property at Lake Massabesic, and he built a two and 
one-half story house there, which was his summer home 
for more than twenty years. The popular tract of country 
on the shore known as Kimball's Point he improved and 
converted into an ideal summer resort. So carefully and 
successfully did he conduct the condition here, though he 
leased the land for nearly forty cottages, the water commis- 
sioners never had any reason to complain, and when they 
made such an extended purchase of shore property they 
did not seek to get control of Kimball's Point, aware that 
the city could not manage affairs so as to improve the con- 

In the days when boats dotted the lake as they do not 
at present, he owned the fastest and staunchest craft afloat. 
Among all those who sought Lake Massabesic for recre- 
ation and out-of-door life, not one loved the beautiful lake 
more or was more zealous for its protection against vandal 

Taking a deep interest in the affairs of the city govern- 
ment, Mr. Kimball frequently and efficiently held office at 
the city hall. He was a member of the council, under the 
government of Mayor John Hosley, and was alderman 
from his ward, No. 2. He was interested in the manage- 


ment of the fire department, having had long experience 
with old handtubs, and in the days of the famous old 
Torrent, he was foreman of that machine. He was acting 
chief of the department at the time of the Webster block 
fire, August 7, 1885, which resulted in the loss of so many 
lives, in spite of all that could be done. He served for 
twenty-two years on the board of engineers, and was always 
noted for his coolness and good judgment. 

He left a daughter, Mrs. Simon H. Brown, and a 
grandson, Perley K. Brown. The funeral ceremony, 
shorn of all display, was in keeping with the quiet and 
peacefulness of his last years. The service was brief but 
impressive, and the usual custom of having bearers was 
dispensed with, the casket being borne from the house by 
carriers chosen for that purpose. Interment was in the 
family lot in Pine Grove cemetery. 


This gallant war veteran was the second son of John 
and Betsey J. Perry, and was born in Pembroke, Mass., 
March 14, 1844. His father was lost at sea when he was 
small, so his widowed mother was thrown upon her own 
resources in bringing up her boys. She came to this city 
when George was about a year and a half old, so practically 
all of his life was passed here. He was but a little over 
seventeen when the guns of Sumter awoke the land to the 
consciousness of the impending war, and of good size 
he induced the recruiting officer to put down his age at 
eighteen. He enlisted for three years and joined James 
W. Carr's company, which became known as the "Rifle 
Rangers," and which was later reorganized as Company C, 
Second New Hampshire Volunteers. The regiment was 
mustered in at Portsmouth during the first week in June, 


1861, leaving for Washington the 20th. Upon its arrival, 
three days later, it was assigned to Burnside's brigade, and 
made a part of Hunter's division opened fire at Bull Run 
on the 2 1 st. 

After this battle, the regiment was attached to Gen. 
Joe Hooker's First Brigade at Bladensburg, to be stationed 
at Budd's Ferry, and though inactive through the winter, 
in almost constant expectation of fighting which seemed 
worse to the new recruits than most severe service. In 
March the Peninsular campaign was begun, and the siege 
of Yorktown opened April 5 lasted until the 4th of May. 
Early in this long and sanguinary struggle, young Perry 
met with an experience he could not other than remember 
as long as he lived. On the 5th, the battle of Williams- 
burg was fought, and he was amongst the foremost in the 
skirmishing line, when he received a Confederate bullet in 
his right shoulder which shattered the bone of the arm. 
The contending forces were surging back and forth and 
the wounded boy sought greater safety at the rear, finding 
himself helpless to wage further warfare. But on his way 
he slipped and fell, thus breaking the remaining bone of 
his arm, bringing entire helplessness to the limb, which 
now bled profusely and pained him intensely. While wait- 
ing in a long line to have the surgeon dress his painful 
wound, he had ample time to contemplate the hardships of 
war. But he never faltered, and that night he slept on a 
pile of wheat in an old granary. The next day he was 
sent home, under the president's proclamation, to recover 
from his wound. Ten days later he was back to Manches- 
ter, where he remained until August before his shattered 
arm, which presented a frightful scar, would allow him to 
return to the front, so that he rejoined his regiment while 
it was on its retreat from the Wilderness. 

From there the Second went to Harrison Landing, 
and thence to Fairfax Seminary, where the young soldier 
was discharged on October 2, 1862, unable to remain longer 
with his comrades on account of his arm, which would not 


admit of such arduous duty. Still the patriotic fires were 
not quenched, and on January I, 1864, he enlisted in the 
Veterans' Reserve corps, going back to Washington and 
serving on the defence for awhile. He was then appointed 
chief clerk in the military assistant's office at the Lincoln 
General Hospital. He remained here until the hospital 
closed in 1865, being promoted to corporal and then to 

Upon his return home he took a course in commercial 
college, teaching awhile there, then bookkeeping, except 
when he was employed by different grocers. He had 
charge of the books of John E. Towle & Co., wholesale 
provision merchants, for eighteen years. His last work 
was done for Eager & Co. 

Comrade Perry joined the War Veterans of Manches- 
ter in 1879, and Louis Bell Post, G. A. R., September 26, 
1883. He was junior vice-commander in 1895, senior vice- 
commander in 1896, and commander in 1897. He was a 
charter member of the Alvin H. Willey command of the 
Union Veterans, which was organized in this city, and rose 
through the different grades to be department commander 
of New Hampshire, with the rank of brigadier-general 
He was a member of Hillsborough Lodge, I. O. O. F. r 
from 1880. 

He married, July 31, 1871, Miss Ella F. Plummer, 
of Manchester, who survives him. Five children were 
born to them, two of whom, Walter S. and Attie are liv- 
ing. His brother, Henry S., also survives him. Comrade 
Perry answered the last roll-call on the morning of April 
4, 1907, and his spirit passed out to the Great Beyond, 
where the bivouac and the battle are unknown. 



William Ela Buck was born at Hampstead, N. H., in 
April, 1838. He attended the village school in Hampstead 
for twenty-five weeks in the year, until he was 13 years 
old. After that he went to the same school for one or two 
winters. At the age of 17 he had saved $600 from work 
in a shoe shop, and with this money he went to the acad- 
emies at Chester and Atkinson one year and Phillips Exeter 
Academy three years, where he was thoroughly fitted for 
Harvard University, though he intended to enter Dart- 
mouth College. 

At the age of twenty-one years, he found himself 
without money and in poor health, and went west to seek a 
climate more congenial to his physical welfare, at the sug- 
gestion of a friend who proposed that they should teach 
school for a while to defray expenses. This was in Octo- 
ber, 1859. Mr. Buck began teaching his first school the 
next month, out on the prairie, in a new settlement, about 
forty miles west of Chicago. 

After teaching ten years in Illinois, Pennsylvania and 
Massachusetts, he came to Manchester in April, 1869, 
from the principalship of the Cohasset, Mass., high school, 
and was appointed master of the old intermediate school, 
which was then located where the police station now 
stands. In six months Mr. Buck was made master of the 
Spring-street school. He served there five years, and 
until he was transferred to the mastership of the Ash- 
street school, when that building was completed in 1874. 

He was principal of the Ash-street school from 1874 
to 1877, when he was elected superintendent of schools to 
succeed Mr. Joseph G. Edgerly. Mr. Buck served as 
superintendent of schools of this city twenty-three years, 
until his resignation, which took effect June 30, 1900. 
Always courteous in his manner, efficient in whatever he 
undertook, and thoroughly interested in the welfare of the 
city, his best work, that left the deepest and most lasting 


impression was his superintendency of our schools, and his 
resignation was accepted with deep and genuine regret by 
all people interested in the welfare of the public schools. 
But failing health warned him that he needed rest after, as 
he expressed it, "responding regularly to the school bell for 
forty-five years, four years as student, eighteen as teacher, 
and twenty-three as superintendent, I feel the need of 
release from the constant and exacting attention demanded 
by a proper discharge of the duties of my present office." 

Mr. Buck was the author of an improved school regis- 
ter, which was officially used in the public schools of New 
Hampshire. For several years he was on the board of 
trustees of the State Normal School, and Dartmouth Col- 
lege conferred upon him the honorary degree of A. M., 
in 1886. 

He was twice married, his first wife being Miss Helen 
M. Putnam of Hampstead, by whom he had one son, Wil- 
liam Putnam, now living in Denver, Col. Mrs. Buck dying 
in 1864, he married for his second wife, Harriet A. Mack, 
who survives him. They had five children, George K., 
Walter F., Burton W., Arthur E., and Helen I. Buck. 
His children have reflected credit upon his name, several 
of them being very efficient educators. 


Many of the Lords of New Hampshire trace their 
descent to Robert, the immigrant, who settled in New 
England before 1650. 

(I) Robert Lord, the immigrant, was born in England 
in 1603, and appears to have been the son of Catherine 
Lord, who was residing in Ipswich, Massachusetts, in 1637, 
and was a commoner in 1641. Robert Lord took the free- 



man's oath at Boston, March 3, 1636. He was representa- 
tive in 1639; one of Saltonstall's committee to grant house 
lots to settlers in 1645; one of Dennison's subscribers in 
1648; appointed "searcher of the coin" in 1654; had a 
share in Plum Island, 1664; selectman in 1661, and many 
years after. He was town clerk for many years, and also 
clerk of the court till his decease. The latter office 
included the duties now performed by the clerk of probate 
and register of deeds. He served more than twenty years 
in the Indian wars and became so inured to camp life and 
exposure that he could never afterwards sleep upon a 
feather bed. He is said to have been below the medium 
stature, but of powerful mould, and one of the most 
athletic, strong, and fearless men in the Colonial service. 
There is a tradition that the Indians themselves at one 
time, when confronted by Lord's Rangers, proposed to 
decide the battle that was anticipated by an encounter 
between the champions of the two parties; to this the 
whites agreed, and Robert Lord walked to the front. The 
Indians selected the most powerful of their tribe, a perfect 
giant, full seven feet in stature. The two men were to 
meet at full run and take the "Indian hug" as they closed. 
The savages anticipated an easy victory. They came 
together like two infuriated bullocks, with a tremendous 
shock, but in an instant the redskin lay stretched upon the 
earth, and the shouts of the Colonial scouts rang out in the 
forest. Not satisfied with a single experiment, they were 
required to rush and clinch again. In this encounter Lord 
took the "hip-lock" on his greasy antagonist, and threw 
him with such force that a blood vessel was ruptured in the 
fall. The Indians took him up and carried him from the 
arena, fully acknowledging themselves defeated; they after- 
ward reported that the white man's devil invested Lord 
with supernatural strength. He died August 12, 1683. 
He married Mary Waite in 1630. Their children were: 
Robert, Sarah, Nathaniel, Thomas, Samuel, Susannah, 
Abigail, Hannah, and one who married a Chandler. 


(II) Robert (2), eldest son of Robert (1), and Mary 
(Waite) Lord, was born in 1631, and died November 11, 
1696. He had a share in Plum Island in 1664. He mar- 
ried Hannah Day, who survived him. Their sons were: 
Robert, John, Thomas, James, Joseph and Nathaniel. 

(III) Thomas, third son of Robert (2) and Hannah 
(Day) Lord, married, May 24, 1686, Mary Brown. Their 
children were: Thomas, John, Jonadab, Mary and Robert. 

(IV) John, second son and child of Thomas and 
Mary (Brown) Lord, settled in the town of Exeter, New 
Hampshire, and on October 31, 17 12, married Abigail Gil- 
man, by whom he had sixteen children. 

(V) Robert (3), ninth son and fourteenth child of 
John and Abigail (Gilman) Lord, was born in Exeter, April 
8, 1733, and died in 1801. He was a farmer in Exeter, and 
lived in a garrison house during the Revolutionary War. 
Robert Lord is credited in the Revolutionary War Rolls 
of New Hampshire service in Captain Peter Coffin's com- 
pany of minute men, mustered by Joseph Cilley, muster 
master at Portsmouth, November 24, 1775. He married a 
Miss Cram, of Sanbornton, and they had ten children: 
Hannah, John, Deborah, Abigail, Anna, Robert, Samuel, 
James, Nathaniel and Polly. 

(VI) John (2), eldest son of Robert (3), born in Ex- 
eter, 1770, died April 21, 1800, married Elizabeth Dearborn, 
who was born June 30, 1771. He was a hatter in Deer- 
field, N. H. They had two children: Edward Dearborn 
and John. 

(VII) John (3), second son of John (2), was born 
January 22, 1797; married Mary Dearborn, August 13, 
1823. They had eight children: Harrison Dearborn, Free- 
man Bainbridge, Angeline, Caroline, Mary Ann, John 
Henry, Charles Franklin, and Harriet Ann. 

(VIII) Harrison Dearborn, eldest son of John (3), 
was born in Barnstead, December 23, 1825. His parents 


moving to Corrinna, Me., when he was very young, he 
received his education in the public schools of that town. 
A cousin, Joseph Knowlton, living here in Manchester at 
the time, wrote him such glowing accounts of the oppor- 
tunities here, that young Lord decided to come hither. 
Accordingly, obtaining his father's consent to his freedom, 
he set out at the age of nineteen for his long journey on 
foot and by the slow ways of travel in those days. His 
father took him by team twenty miles, and then, with the 
hearty godspeed of his parent ringing in his ears, he 
walked to Hallowell. From that place he went by boat to 
Portland, then came by rail to Dover, N. H., the Boston 
and Maine road having been completed recently to that 
city. Again he moved on foot, arriving at his destination 
footsore and weary, but not discouraged. Through Mr. 
Knowlton's assistance, he secured a position in the Araos- 
keag Machine Shop, where he remained twenty years. 
Finding that indoor work did not agree with him, he left 
the shop in 1864, ar >d engaged in various capacities. In 
1865, he was elected city messenger, serving in that office 
about four years. In the meantime he had been appointed 
constable, and in 1876 he became deputy sheriff, an office 
which, with an interval of two years, he held up to the time 
of death, over thirty years, being with one exception the 
senior member in point of service, the exception being Mr. 
Charles Scott of Peterboro. He was best known, perhaps, 
in the performance of his duty in taking charge of the 
grand juries. 

In 1885 he was appointed coronor, which office he held 
continuously until the office was abolished. He was also 
deputy tax collector, inspector of check list in Ward 4, 
and assessor to the time of the creation of the new board 
of three. He represented Ward 4 in the legislature of 
1870. He belonged to the Mechanic's Lodge, I. O. O. F., 
the Veteran Odd Fellows' Asssociation, the Old Residents' 
and Manchester Historic Associations. But he preferred 
the quiet of his home, or the outdoor exercise upon his 
farm, at Centre Harbor, during the summer months. 


Mr. Lord married, January 12, 1853, Juliet, daughter 
of Simeon S. and Lucy (Sturtevant) True of Centre Har- 
bor. Three sons were born to them: Harrison, dying in 
infancy, Harry True and Samuel Julian, the last two being 
well-known citizens. 

Mrs. Juliet True Lord was a descendant of the Sturte- 
vant family that was among the early settlers of centra! 
New Hampshire. Her grandfather, Hosea Sturtevant, 
was a soldier in the army of the Revolution, and went 
through many exciting experiences. He was captured by 
the British and confined in the sugar refinery at Brooklyn 
and in the New Jersey prison hulks, where he endured 
great suffering. In recognition of his services he was 
granted an extensive tract of country near Squam Lake,, 
where he settled with his family. In later years the origi- 
nal Sturtevant homestead fell to Mr. Lord. 

His first wife dying January 20, 1870, Mr. Lord mar- 
ried, February 13, 1875, Susan S. Bean, widow of Francis 
Bean of Manchester. She died in 1877. Mr. Lord was a 
man of strict integrity, and was held in high respect by all 
who knew him. 


Edwin Stearns Foster was born in Stoddard, Decem- 
ber 21, 1840, the son of Stearns and Mary (Rice) Foster. 
Before reaching his majority, he went to Springfield and 
began work in the armory, where he remained until the 
breaking out of the Civil War. He then enlisted in the 
Eighth Massachusetts Volunteers, serving in the army 
three years, and going through arduous campaigns. At 
the close of the war, he went to Chicago, where he stayed 
for several years, working at the trade of a carpenter. A 


better position being offered him in Brattleboro, Vt., he 
moved hither and remained here a short time, when he 
again changed his base by removing to Keene, N. H., to 
become a contractor and builder. He built some of the 
finest residences in Northfield, Mass., and in Dublin, 
N. H. 

Mr. Foster remained in Keene until 1882, when he 
came to Manchester and entered the employ of William 
M. Butterfield, the architect, to be superintendent of con- 
struction for him. He was thus engaged when he was 
chosen building inspector for the city in 1904. He proved 
the right man for the place and his work was very credit- 
able towards placing the duties of that position upon a 
firm foundation. 

Of a decided temperament, never fearing to express his 
opinions on matters political, he was an ardent Democrat 
until the silver issue of the West was thrust upon the 
party in 1896, when he forsook his allegiance to the 
Democracy and became a zealous Republican, acting with 
his characteristic honesty of purpose. His loyalty to his 
friends and unswerving fidelity to principle won for him 
many friends. 

His death was sudden and unexpected by his family. 
Thursday he was attending to his duties with his usual 
apparent good health. That night he was taken with a 
severe attack of acute indigestion, and in spite of all that 
medical skill could do he died at 11 o'clock Saturday morn- 
ing, July 4, 1908, in his 67th year, lamented by a large 
number of friends. 

Mr. Foster was a mason, a member of Security Lodge, 
Ancient Order United Workmen and the Manchester His- 
toric Association. 

He married, November 26, 1868, Ella Stewart Hough- 
ton of Brattleboro, Vt., who died May 12, 1889. Five 
children were born to them: Frank H., September 10, 
1869; Harry S., May 12, 1871; George E., August 13, 
1872; Louise B., August 13, 1876; Carl H., January 3, 


1883, all of whom survive him. He married, second, Clara 
Ardelle Fay, February 12, 1890, who with one child, Mary 
H., born August 14, 1891, survives him. He left one sis- 
ter, Mrs. Ellery E. Rugg, Keene, N. H. 


On the afternoon of May 24, 1910, Frank S. Bodwell 
answered the summons unto that other life with remark- 
able fortitude. The Daily Mirror, in recording his death, 
says most fittingly: 

"He had been ill a long time, suffering from dropsy 
and a heart trouble, but he bore up with wonderful forti- 
tude, and his courage did not desert him to the last. Less 
than than three hours before his death, he called for a cigar 
and leisurely smoked it, apparently as easy in mind as ever, 
although he knew that the hour of dissolution was near. 
He was cheerful to the last, and smilingly endeavored to 
cheer the distressed relatives gathered about his bedside. 

"Mr. Bodwell was possessed of a wonderful disposi- 
tion, and not one in thousands possessed the happy faculty 
which he enjoyed in always looking on the bright side. 
His nature was always sunny and cheerful, and even when 
suffering from pains and ills he was smiling where others 
would complain. He had suffered numerous accidents in 
which he sustained broken bones or other injuries, and had 
been so crippled that he was obliged to use a carriage 
almost exclusively in traveling about, but his misfortunes 
did not effect his happy nature. The more serious his ills 
the more inclined was he to make light of them. 

"Mr. Bodwell was a son of the late Alpheus Bodwell, 
and was born at Goffe's Falls, July 2, 1847. He was edu 
cated in the public schools, but early went to work with his 


father, and later embarked in business for himself. His 
life was an active one. For many years he conducted the 
Bodwell granite quarries in the northeast part of the city, 
and was widely known in the stone trade. He had repre- 
sented Ward 4 in the legislature in 1891. 

"His fraternal associations were in Free Masonry. 
He was a member of Washington Lodge, A. F. and A. M.; 
Mt. Horeb, Royal Arch Chapter; Adoniram Council, R. 
and S. M.; and Trinity Commandery, K. T., all of this city, 
and Aleppo Temple, Mystic Shrine, of Boston. 

"He leaves a wife and one son, Frank Bodwell; three 
brothers, the Hon. Brooks L. Bodwell and Charles H. Bod- 
well of this city and Dr. Fred L. Bodwell of Dover, and 
two sisters, Miss Emma A. Bodwell and Mrs. Sadie V. 


He lives not in vain who leaves one friend to mourn 
his loss. If this is true, well indeed has he lived who 
leaves many to count his virtues, and recall with kindly 
thought the good that he did, the kind words that he spoke, 
the thoughtful zeal with which he performed the duties 
that fell to his lot. The subject of this Memoir was modest 
of his accomplishments, a plodder in his work, sowing with- 
out reaping, toiling without rest. It was those who knew 
him best that loved him most. Of a studious mind, he was 
versatile in his researches. We cannot do better than to 
incorporate the sketch of this nestor of the New Hamp- 
shire press, given by the Daily Union at the time of his 
decease on the afternoon of July 19, 1909: 

Sylvester Clark Gould was born in Weare, March 1, 
1840. From 1854 to 1858, he was employed as clerk in a 


dry goods and grocery store. In 1859 and i860, he attend- 
ed school at the Boscawen Academy, of which Jonathan 
Tenney was principal. He entered the office of the Daily 
and Weekly American, February 24, 1862, where he 
learned the printer's trade. 

These journals were published and edited by Simeon 
D. Farnsworth, who, on being appointed paymaster in the 
army, leased the newspaper establishment, April 17, 1863, 
to Henry A. Gage, James O. Adams and Orren C. Moore, 
which was run under the firm name of Gage, Moore & Co. 
On August 13, 1863, Mr. Gould purchased the interest of 
O. C, Moore in the lease; Mr. Moore still acting as editor, 
Henry A. Gage as publisher, James O. Adams as reporter 
and Mr. Gould as clerk and telegraphic reporter. 

On December 24, 1863, S. D. Farnsworth, returning 
on a furlough to Manchester, bought off the lessees and 
sold the newspaper establishment to John B. Clarke, and 
the papers were published as the Mirror and American. 
From this time to March 16, 1864, Mr. Gould settled up 
the affairs of the American office as compositor, job 
printer, and temporarily as reporter, until December 24, 

On January 1, 1869, John W. Moore, Samuel C. Mer- 
rill, Charles W. Clough and Mr. Gould associated them- 
selves together under the firm name of John W. Moore & 
Co., and began the publication of the Daily News. In 
February, 1869, Mr. Gould disposed of his interests to 
J. W. Moore and entered the Daily and Weekly Union 
office as compositor, and continued until July 5, 1869, 
when he again entered the Mirror office as job printer, and 
continued until May 1, 1871. 

Mr. Gould entered the service of the Concord Railroad 
in 1871, and in 1874 became depot master at the passenger 
station, under Maj. Josiah Stevens, who was station agent, 
and he continued in that capacity until early in the 90's. 

Mr. Gould had a mathematical rather than a literary 
mind and, though not a fluent writer, he possessed a won- 


derful faculty of research, especially along the lines of the 
mystic and occult knowledge. He was never happier than 
when solving some intricate problem or delving deep into 
the lore of a forgotten or hidden art. He was an inde- 
fatigable collector of books along unusual lines, so at his 
death he had a library of considerable size, many of his 
books first editions and valuable. He had, with possibly 
one exception, the largest and finest personal collection of 
Homeric works in the country, consisting of over one 
thousand volumes. 

In July, 1882, in association with J. L. Webster of 
Norfolk, Va., he began the publication of a monthly maga- 
zine, entitled "Notes and Queries," and devoted to histor- 
ical and miscellaneous matter. Upon the decease of Mr. 
Webster, a few years later, Mr. Gould continued the pub- 
lication of the magazine, though, out of courtesy, adding 
the name of his brother, Leroy M. Gould, now deceased, 
to the name of the firm. For a year, George W. Browne 
was associated with him, but the magazine was a child of 
Mr. Gould's brain and bore the unmistakable trade mark 
of his mind. It was continued until his failing strength 
compelled him to abandon the task, leaving the last volume 
incomplete. Devoted to abstruse and scientific subjects, 
with generous space devoted to matters relating to the 
Masons and Odd Fellows, it came to be prized by those 
interested in such affairs. Naturally having a limited cir- 
culation, it nevertheless went to all parts of the globe. 

Deeply interested in fraternal societies, Mr. Gould 
gave several addresses that were preserved in printed form 
and make publications of value to the student and seekers 
after knowledge along their particular sources of thought. 
Among these may be mentioned "The Master's Mallet," 
"The Staff of Adam." He was an active member of the 
town committee for the publication of the history of 
Weare and did much towards the publication of that excel- 
lent work. He wrote several poems for special occasions, 
and was a felicitous speaker. 


He was a charter member of the Manchester Historic 
Association, and was one of the publication committee 
from its organization. He compiled a bibliography of 
Manchester literature, over two thousand titles; a bibliog- 
rapy of Gen. John Stark, about one hundred titles; a list 
of New Hampshire Election Sermons, and prepared an 
article on the origin of the song, "The Sweet Bye-and-Bye," 
all but the first for this society. 

Mr. Gould was a 32d Degree Mason, and a member of 
the Boston Consistory. He was a member of Lafayette 
Lodge, No. 41, of this city; of Mount Horeb Chapter, No. 
n, Royal Arch Chapter; of Adoniram Council, No. u, 
Royal and Select Masters, and of Trinity Commandery, 
Knights Templar. He was also a member of the Brother- 
hood of Rosicrusians of Boston, and also of various other 
Masonic bodies having jurisdiction elsewhere than in New 

He was an Odd Fellow, and was a member of Hills- 
borough Lodge, No. 2, of which order he was a past grand 
master and a past grand representative. He was also 
attached to the Encampment. For many years he was 
secretary of the Veteran Odd Fellows' Association, and 
was at one time the president of that body. He was secre- 
tary for many years of the Odd Fellows' Relief Associ- 
ation. He was a member of Arbutus Lodge of Rebekahs. 
He was a member and corresponding secretary of the New 
Hampshire Press Association. He was also a member of 
several foreign societies, some of them of high standing, 
though the writer of this cannot give their names. He had 
a wide correspondence and was in touch with many per- 
sons of exalted ideas, and proved himself a man of high 
attainments, though the thoughts that appealed to the 
many were not those that abided with him. 

A tireless worker, he found little time for rest, until 
at last the day came when the tired hand was compelled by 
a higher will than man's to become idle. Even then, in his 
last moments, the brain continued its battle, while the lips 


slowly gave utterance to those terms which showed that he 
was still busy trying to solve some mathematical problem. 
In the midst of this study, the great change came, and like 
one groping for the solution of a strange question, pro- 
phetic of his life work, he lifted his hand for the last time, 
saying with faltering voice: "It is growing dark; turn on 
the lights." These were the last words of a type of man 
such as rarely comes into our associations, spoken at 3 
o'clock on the afternoon of July 19, 1909. 

Mr. Gould married Miss Fannie E. Sherburne, who 
survives him, as well as a daughter, Miss Annie L. Gould; 
one brother, Rodney W. Gould, of Weare; a nephew, 
Harry B. Gould, of Hartford, Conn.; and a neice, Miss Ada 
W. Gould, of Lakeport, N. H. 


Gillis Stark, a son of Frederick G. and Anna B. 
Hutchinson Stark, was born in Manchester, February 9, 
1865. He was a great-great-grandson of Gen. John Stark. 
He attended the grammar schools of this city, graduated 
from the high scool in the class af J S$, and then entered 
Dartmouth College. After a year in the classical course, 
he entered the medical department to receive the diploma 
of a physician, June 27, 1889. 

He began practice in Rockland, Mass., but soon re- 
moved to Northwood, N. H., where he remained over a 
year. He then located permanently in his native city, 
where he soon secured a large practice. 

Taking a sincere interest in public affairs, he became 
one of the most influential leaders of the Democratic party 
in his ward. In 1896 he was elected alderman from Ward 
8, quickly proving himself an able and active member. At 


the end of his first term, he was re-elected with an increased 
majority. An associate, in remarking upon his service, said: 

"Dr. Stark was genial and cordial, and was very popu- 
lar at city hall during his two terms of office. Nobody 
had a truer friend than he and he will be missed and 

While his extensive professional duties gave him little 
leisure for society, he belonged to several social and fra- 
ternal societies. He was a member of the Foresters of 
America and their resident physician. He was an Odd 
Fellow and a Knight of the Ancient Essenic Order; a mem- 
ber of the Calumet Club and of the Manchester Historic 

While he had been aware of the serious malady that 
threatened his life, and he had told a few intimate friends 
that the end was not far away, his death came as a great 
shock to the public. He was attending to his professional 
duties Saturday, making seven calls. On Sunday morn- 
ing, December 13, 1910, he was stricken down and expired 
within a short time. 

Dr. Stark married, in April, 1893, Gertrude M. Hall, 
of Windham, Me., who survives him, as well as his father, 
two brothers, Fred R. of this city and Dr. Maurice Stark 
of Goffstown, and one sister, Mrs. Charles F. Smythe of 
this city. 


Rebert Duncan Gay was born in Hillsborough, N. H., 
October 23, 1838, where he was educated and lived at home 
until he was twenty-one. Then, with ten dollars in his 
pocket, he started out to seek his fortune, as he expressed 
it, going to Boston. There he worked in the wool business 


for three years, when he entered into the upholstery trade, 
to sell out in 1869 and come to Manchester. In this city 
he first engaged in the grocery business in the firm of 
O. & R. D. Gay. In time a change was made and it 
became Gay and Davis. After about a year in this, he 
sold out and went into the grain business, in which he re- 
mained about a year, and then returned to Boston, but con- 
tinued in the same kind of trade. 

He remained in Boston until the great hre in the 
spring of 1872, when he came back to Manchester and 
opened a store at No. 72 Hanover street, where he remained 
until his death, dealing in upholstery, draperies and fancy 
goods. Here he was successful and his store became well 

Mr. Gay became a Mason in Boston, and he afterwards 
joined Mt. Lebanon Lodge of this city. He was an early 
member of the Royal Templars of Temperance. But his 
first choice among the secret orders was the Patrons of 
Husbandry, with which he became affiliated soon after the 
organization of that body in the state. He was a charter 
member of old Amoskeag Grange, No. 3, served as lec- 
turer and master of that body, and as lecturer of the reor- 
ganized grange. For four years he served on the executive 
committee of the State Grange and, thoroughly interested 
in grange work, he was a zealous advocate of its principles 
and an untiring worker. 

While attending the Pomona Grange at Hudson, on 
March 25, 1909, upon leaving the hall to return to his 
home, he slipped upon the ice and fell, receiving an injury 
to his hip from which he never recovered. He was taken 
to the hospital at Nashua, and there given the best care 
possible, but the fractured limb did not recover as had 
been hoped, and finally he was taken to the home of his 
nephew, Walter E. Gay, at the home farm in Hillsborough. 
He made two or three visits to Manchester during his 
months of suffering, but he was obliged to get about on 
crutches. It was seen that he was gradually failing, and 


on Sunday, December 26, 1909, he was attacked with 
pleurisy and an affusion which proved fatal. 

He was survived by his widow, who was formerly Miss 
Julia Blanchard of Washington, N. H., and the following 
nephews and neices: Walter E. and Frank D. Gay, both of 
Hillsborough; Julia M. Gay, a teacher in New London; 
Nellie Morgan, of Ludlow, Vt.; Ethel Gay, of Nashua, and 
Isabel Gay, of Hillsborough. Mr. Gay was a man of 
temperate habits, a thorough believer in the power of mind 
over matter, and possessed of marked enthusiasm in what- 
ever he undertook. 


Charles H. Bodwell, the third son of Alpheus Bodwell, 
was born in Manchester, June 2, 1853, and was one of the 
city's best-known business men. Educated in our public 
schools, he became identified with the coal and ice business 
founded by his father and his eldest brother, the Hon. 
Loring B. Bodwell. 

Genial, enthusiastic, a lover of sport, he was a member 
of the Order of Elks in Manchester, having filled the offi- 
ces in the lodge with great credit to himself and satisfac- 
tion to others. He was a member of the Ancient Order 
of United Workmen, Washington Lodge of Masons, and 
Queen City Lodge of Knights of Pythias. He was an 
earnest official of the Hillsborough County Game and Pro- 
tective Association. Always a staunch Republican, he was 
honored by the voters of his ward by the elections to the 
state legislature for two terms. 

Coming from a long-lived family, of temperate habits, 
strong physique, he seemed to have the promise of a long 
life. But his heart had proved weak, and his death came 


suddenly, while he was riding home from the office in the 
street car, just before noon, on February 21, 191 1. He 
had appeared during the forenoon in his usual health, and 
was stricken in the car while on his way home to dinner. 
He lived but a few minutes. 

He is survived by a wife, who was Elvira M. Baird; 
two brothers, Hon. Loring B. and Dr. Fred L., of Dover; 
and two sisters, Miss Emma S. Bodwell and Mrs. Sadie 
V. Ballou, both living in the city.